The dissertation deals with political culture in the Age of Liberty as it is manifested in the uprising in Dalarna in 1743. The object of the study is the political repertoire used by the peasants – a combination of utilisation of political institutions and different forms of protest such as tax boycotts and a march from Dalarna to the capital. Emphasis has been placed on the interactive aspects of the movement. Thereby, the repertoire used by central authorities to suppress the movement is equally important. Results show that the peasants formed their actions in close connection with the reactions they were met with by the authorities. Initially, the attempts to demobilise the peasants’ movement actually facilitated its mobilisation. As the peasants’ political repertoire is uncovered, it has been possible to study the movement’s mobilisation process through the use of mobilising structures, political opportunities, and interpretative processes. Hence, the significance of the uprising to the protesters is clarified. The protesters viewed their actions as part of an ongoing political debate, legitimised by the government’s neglect of its obligations towards the people, rather than as a subversive uprising. The Dalarna uprising of 1743 was an integral part of political culture in the Age of Liberty through its combined use of formal and informal political institutions and arenas. The uprising is an eloquent expression of the increasing political assertiveness among the peasantry and the peasant estate in Sweden in the eighteenth century.

The dissertation deals with political culture in the Age of Liberty as it is manifested in the uprising in Dalarna in 1743. The object of the study is the political repertoire used by the peasants – a combination of utilisation of political institutions and different forms of protest such as tax boycotts and a march from Dalarna to the capital. Emphasis has been placed on the interactive aspects of the movement. Thereby, the repertoire used by central authorities to suppress the movement is equally important. Results show that the peasants formed their actions in close connection with the reactions they were met with by the authorities. Initially, the attempts to demobilise the peasants’ movement actually facilitated its mobilisation. As the peasants’ political repertoire is uncovered, it has been possible to study the movement’s mobilisation process through the use of mobilising structures, political opportunities, and interpretative processes. Hence, the significance of the uprising to the protesters is clarified. The protesters viewed their actions as part of an ongoing political debate, legitimised by the government’s neglect of its obligations towards the people, rather than as a subversive uprising. The Dalarna uprising of 1743 was an integral part of political culture in the Age of Liberty through its combined use of formal and informal political institutions and arenas. The uprising is an eloquent expression of the increasing political assertiveness among the peasantry and the peasant estate in Sweden in the eighteenth century.

The aim of this study is to make a comparative study between the grievances during the Dacke Warand the German Peasant´s War. These two conflicts may have occurred separately, regarding bothgeographical and chronological distances but also share common issues for this comparative study.Less than two decades separates these two conflicts and they were all by their own serious insurrectionsduring their time. While the German Peasant´s War was the greatest uprising in Europe up tothe French Revolution, the Dacke War was the biggest Peasant Rebellion in Scandinavian history.While the German Peasant War has been studied and researched by historians for a relative longtime, the Dacke War has been neglected in research history. If it were not for the Swedish professorLars-Olof Larsson’s studies during foremost in the 1960s, the Dacke War would have been a historicallyuncharted territory of research indeed. This study aims to foremost supplement the unsatisfiedresearch on the Dacke War, but also supplement the research of The German Peasant war, with thiscomparative study. Although is exists a somewhat considerable amount of studies and theories regardinggeneral peasant uprisings and revolts from this period, researchers are still debating themain causes for these violent conflicts. The combination of different geographical and social differencesand insufficient sources makes studies about theses conflicts both problematic and complex.The result of this comparative study, show that both uprisings shared both common and differentkinds of grievances where generally the rebels of the German Peasant´s War had a larger propotionof demands than the rebels of the Dacke War. In Sweden the grievances was largely made up bycomplaints. While the German Peasant´s War was generally more radical and religious motivatedthan the Dacke War, it shared many similarities to each other, especially when it came to economicand economical complaints. While the German Peasants (although not all rebel-groups) made radicaldemands, such as the abolishment of serfdom, the rebels during the Dacke War were more intenton restoring their former rights and customs. Therefore the Swedish peasantry motivated theircomplaints by claiming they had juridical rights and legal claims to motivate rebellion. The Germanpeasants on the other hand, although also sharing the same motives but in somewhat lesser degree,had less legal rights and therefore motivated their demands in religious terms. The reason why thegrievances during the Dacke War mostly can be categorized as complaints instead of demands, maybe explained how influential and political equal the Swedish peasants were as a social group and estatein Swedish society compared to the many peasants living in serfdom in the Holy Roman Empire.This is also why German rebels more often legitimized their demands with religious motive,because they lacked the political power as social group and estate.

Jan Adamec, Hungary 1956: from a reform of socialism to a national uprising Dizertační práce Univerzita Karlova v Praze, Filozofická fakulta, Ústav světových dějin, Praha, 2015 Abstract The theses aims to analyze the crisis of the Hungarian Communist regime in 1956. It begins with the internal party struggle between Prime Minister Imre Nagy and First Secretary Matyás Rákosi in 1953-1955. Khrushchev's destalinisation initiative in 1956 triggered a new wave of conflicts. The crisis within the Communist Party was then deepened by the demise of Rákosi and the installation of Ernő Gerő as his successor in July 1956 and the emotionally charged reburial of László Rajk. The crisis coincided with grave economic shortages and rising dissatisfaction in the countryside. Encouraged Hungarian students organized demonstrations on 23 October 1956 that grew into mass riots against the regime. New agents that then played a key role in the events in question entered the political arena. Firstly, the Soviet army intervened on behalf of the Hungarian Communist leadership; however, it failed to restore order or suppress the mass movement. Secondly, dozens of guerrilla-like insurgent groups fought enthusiastically against the Soviets. Khrushchev contemplated postponing the use of military force for a brief period of time;...

Digitization that has enabled instant access to vast numbers of archival, historical images, demands a new paradigm for the use of visual imagery in historical research. This thesis proposes a new form of historiography in the digital medium, an image-based narrative mode for authoring and reading history. I propose a digital model for conveying history through the visual record, as an alternative to the printed book. Unlike the quantitative “big data” approach to digital humanities, this research explores visuality itself. In a practice-led approach, the research addresses both aspects of historiography: (1) a method of historical representation; and (2) original historical work on a selected topic. The testbed for historiographic and narrative experiments which led to the model was my case study on the Boxer Uprising in China, c. 1900. While many written histories of the Boxer Uprising exist, I collected a large portion of its extensive visual record for the first time. Sources from around the world, in a variety of media, were assembled into a digital data set that reveals previously unexplored historical themes. A series of visual narratives built in the case study culminated in a proposed “Visual Narrative Field” model. In this model, meaning emerges in the patterns observed between images within a complex visual field. The model vertically integrates three narrative approaches in order to support alternating cognitive modes used to read texts and perceive images. Linear concentration is blended with the non-linear exploration of interactive forms. The model provides historians with a much-needed tool for authoring narrative through relationships between images in a scalable approach. Due to digitization, visual databases are easily assembled, and images are as easily reproduced as written text. The Visual Narrative Field model takes advantage of the characteristics of the newly-digitized visual record, providing a means of authoring visual narrative that can be comprehended without the use of extensive written text. The model thus creates an unprecedented image-based method for performing and presenting historical research.

The present study is intended to contribute to our knowledge of the intellectual history of early modern Castile by examining a work which has heretofore been ignored by historians of 'Golden Age' historiography - De motu Hispaniae, an account of the Comunidades of Castile (1520-1521) written by the Spanish humanist cleric Juan Maldonado (c. 1485-1554). In the Introduction we specify the methodology to be employed - a close reading of De motu Hispaniae - and survey current scholarship on Maldonado and on the intellectual history of Castile in our period. The argument proper begins in Chapter One, where we set the stage for our textual analysis by examining what little information we possess on Maldonado's life up to and including the year in which De motu Hispaniae was completed, 1524. Special attention is given to the two aspects of Maldonado's biography which are most relevant to our inquiry - humanism and patronage. With respect to the former, we show that the two figures crucial in his education at the University of Salamanca were the humanists Christophe de Longueil and Lucio Flaminio Siculo, who inspired him to pursue a career as a teacher of the studia humanitatis and introduced him to the classical writers whose influence is most evident in De motu Hispaniae - Cicero and Sallust. We also examine the relationship between Maldonado and two of his patrons, Pedro de Cartagena and Diego Osorio, both of whom figure prominently in De motu Hispaniae. Maldonado's close ties to the latter are especially important, for in De motu Hispaniae he contrasts Osorio's loyalty during the Comunidades with the disloyalty displayed by his half-brother, the Comunero Bishop of Zamora, Antonio de Acuña., In Chapter Two we show that the comparison is modelled on Sal-lust's Bellum Catilinae, and we suggest that it may have been prompted, at least in part, by Maldonado's desire to defend his friend and patron against (false) charges that he betrayed his king during the rebellion. The bulk of Chapter Two is given over to the presentation of textual evidence from De motu Hispaniae which indicates that, in general, Maldonado subscribed to the canons and conventions which governed the practice of classical Roman historians and their Renaissance epigones. We also argue that Maldonado's 'philosophy of history' and his ideas on such historiographical basics as causation and periodization place him squarely in the humanist tradition, and distinguish him from the 'contemporary historians' of the Middle Ages, whose historiography reflected their religious training. Unlike these latter, Maldonado saw the historian's craft in remarkably secular terms, and De motu Hispaniae is devoid of the providential ism characteristic of much Castilian historiography. The best explanation for this, we suggest, is that for Maldonado, who had witnessed the political 'decline' of the early sixteenth century, the Hand of God was not easily discerned behind the destiny of Castile. Recognizing that the history of the Comunidades could not be written in pro-videntialist terms, Maldonado turned instead to a work which offered a secular interpretation of 'civil war' – Sallust's Bellum Catilinae. In Chapter Three we argue that Maldonado, a humanist is the literal sense of the word, was convinced of the value of rhetoric in public life, and committed to a 'Ciceronian' union of philosophy and eloquence. Not surprisingly, various forms of rhetorical discourse are also evident in De motu Hispaniae. After examining three aspects of this discourse oratio recta and two more or less complementary rhetorical formulae, one drawn from Sallust and the other from Cicero - we conclude that despite repeated professions of suprapartisanship, Maldonado's rhetoric reveals the depth of his ideological commitments. Our general conclusion is that Helen Nader is incorrect to assert that humanist historiography was a dead letter in sixteenth-century Castile. Our analysis of De motu Hispaniae shows otherwise, and also reveals that the two 'traditions' which Nader discerns behind the diversity of late medieval historiography contribute very little to our understanding of historical ideas during the 'Golden Age'. We suggest that an adequate understanding of this complex phenomenon might begin with a rehabilitation, with some revisions, of the currently discredited notion of an 'open Spain'. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

This thesis studies the rhetoric of the Zapatista Revolution and social movement through the analysis of Zapatista messages using the method of cluster criticism. It explores changes in the rhetoric of confrontation and the rhetoric of peace used by the Zapatistas to further their cause during the last ten years of the revolution.

The purpose of this diploma thesis is to analyse the works Ghetto Warschau by Max Zweig and Revolte der Heiligen by Ernst Sommer. The thematic focus of the thesis is the Warsaw ghetto uprising. The thesis aims to present a systematic analysis and subsequent comparison of both works, with emphasis on the issue of religion. It tries to find out how Judaism together with the inconsistent approach of the Jews to the Jewish faith influenced the approach of the Jews to the revolt in the studied works. The thesis is divided into four chapters. The first chapter presents the history and principles of the Jewish religion as well as the history of the Jewish population. The second chapter focuses on the history of the Jewish population in Polish territory, also on the period of World War II and the emergence of ghettos, including the Warsaw ghetto. The next chapter presents both authors' biographies and works, with particular emphasis on common aspects of their work and life. The fourth chapter deals with the analysis itself. The conclusion of the diploma thesis contains a summary of the analysis and answers research questions.

Transmission of memory: the Heritage Trail and Jeju Uprising This thesis aims to shed light on the stories of individuals in transmitting memories using the heritage trail as a medium. Thus, this thesis examines how the heritage trail works as memory embodiment and, further, its role in transmitting memory. The research site, Jeju Island of the Republic of Korea, was selected due to its little recognition as both cultural and natural heritage concerning the history of Jeju Uprising. This event is called in different ways, including the April 3rd Incident, Jeju Killings, Jeju Rebellion, and simply 4.3 (Sasam), representing the date of the armed uprising in Jeju Island in 1943. The heritage trail of the Jeju Uprising called the 4.3 trail was examined empirically as a case study. Fieldwork was conducted from 22 September to 10 October 2020 in Jeju Island. The data was collected from interviews and participant observation and then narratively analyzed. There are polysemic memories and narratives within the same discourse because the names of calling the Uprising vary from context to context. The memory workers were interviewed, and the practice of walking as a component of the trail was studied to examine multiple dimensions of the memories surrounding the trail. Finally, this thesis concludes that in...

The Master Thesis American Foreign Policy and the Arab Uprisings in Egypt, Libya, and Syria concentrates primarily on the conflict between democracy promotion and pursuit of strategic and security interests within the U.S. foreign policy with respect to uprisings in Egypt, Libya, and Syria that broke out in the beginning of 2011. The thesis also concentrates on the processes and the tools used by the United States to support either democratization efforts or their vital interests and how these processes were publicly communicated. The thesis is divided into three parts. The first part analyzes history of democracy promotion in the U.S. foreign policy and its conflict with interest-based stability promotion. The second, and the most extensive, part examines the uprisings in Egypt, Libya, and Syria with an accent on the U.S. foreign policy. The third part seeks to identify patterns and features of the U.S. foreign policy with respect to the uprisings in the mentioned countries using the facts mentioned in the previous two chapters. The thesis uses mainly newspaper articles and expert opinions as the principle sources. As the topic is a very current issue there is no huge number of academic sources available especially concerning the later phases of the uprisings. Also, official sources like analyses...