Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Esse trabalho estuda o medo de levantes escravos através de discursos e políticas públicas publicadas na imprensa do Rio de Janeiro. Seu objetivo é analisar, através do tema do medo, as discussões sobre a escravidão no período regencial do Brasil (1831-1840). A repercussão na imprensa do Rio de Janeiro do levante Malê, ocorrido na Bahia em 1835, gerou uma ambiência de medo e paranóia capaz de legitimar ações violentas e arbitrárias contra toda a população negra. A constatação crassa da capacidade estratégica envolvida na articulação da revolta causou uma fissura no discurso que interditava ao negro a capacidade intelectual. A hipótese principal é de que o grande medo que varreu 1835, determinando medidas jurídicas, políticas e policiais, foi fruto desse fenômeno, cujo efeito será a construção de uma ambiência de medo e paranóia generalizada, que chamaremos de zona de tensão permanente. Essa zona de tensão possibilitou a apropriação do medo por diferentes tendências políticas. O medo produziu efeitos heurísticos, na medida em gerou discursos que buscavam nomear as ameaças à sociedade e apontar medidas cabíveis para saná-las. Além disso, o medo produziu efeitos políticos, na medida em que gerou políticas públicas para desarmar o perigo de levantes na Corte. Em última análise, o discurso que defendia a vinda de colonos europeus tornou-se generalizado. Essa medida, defendida como fórmula para acabar com a escravidão, é entendida como forma de postergar a abolição e garantir a continuidade do lucrativo comércio de escravos. / The present work studies the fear of slave uprising through discourses and public politics published in Rio de Janeiros press. It aims to analyze, through the thematic of fear, the discussions about slavery in the Regency period in Brazil (1831-1840). The repercussion in the press, regarding the Malê uprising which occurred in Bahia in the year of 1835, generated an ambience of fear and paranoia capable of giving legitimacy to violent and arbitrary actions against the whole of the black population. The violent verification of the strategic capacity involved in the organization of the revolt caused a rupture in the discourse that interdicted intellectual capacity to the black population. The main hypothesis is that the great fear that swapped 1835, implementing juridical, political and suppression-surveillance measures, was a result of this phenomenon, which was effective in the construction of an environment of generalized fear and paranoia that will henceforth be called permanent tension zone. This tension zone made possible the usage of fear by different political tendencies. Fear produced heuristic effects, creating discourses intended, in accordance to its political intentions, to name the threats to society and point suitable measures to quell them. On top of that, fear produced political effects, in the sense that it created public policies to disarm the danger of insurrection in the Court. Lastly, the discourse that supported the coming of European colonists became generalized. This measure, supported as a means to end slavery, is understood as a way to delay its abolition and to guarantee the continuation of the profitable slave market.

Mainstream media use “the protest paradigm” in framing social movements. The protest paradigm frames protests negatively by marginalizing protesters, trivializing their demands, focusing more on violent and dramatic issues instead of trying to establish a rational discussion around the reasons behind the protests and by neglecting the existence of their presence by simply not covering the protests at all. . The main function of a social movement is to challenge the status quo, while a main function of the mainstream media is arguably to contribute to the governance of society and the maintenance of public order; in a sense, to maintain the status quo. Thus, a main reason behind the consistent usage of the protest paradigm in covering protests is the conflict between social movements and mainstream media in society. But is it easier for mainstream Canadian media to challenge the status quo abroad than at home? Are Canadian media more reliant on the protest paradigm for covering global protest than local ones? Grounded in the theory of Media Framing, particularly the works of Entman (1993) this thesis compares the framing strategy that various Canadian media outlets applied while covering the 2011 Egyptian Uprising and the Occupy Toronto Movement. Empirical data collected by conducting deductive content analysis is applied to the coverage of the Toronto Edition of the Toronto Star, The Global and Mail and The Toronto Sun during the 18 days of the Egyptian uprising in January and February 2011 and the 42 days of Occupy Toronto from October 14th till November 24th, 2011 . The main argument of this thesis is that the Canadian media did not follow consist framing strategy in covering the two protests’ activities. The literature of the protest and media only focus on the notion of challenging the status quo without taking into consideration the factor of the location of the protests. Consequently, this paper is trying to add the location factor to the literature by trying to discover if the Canadian media is taking the same position from social movements that challenge the status quo regardless of where it is taking place or not.

This thesis is a critical history about Cranbrook BC, the town where I grew up. It explores a historical origin story that historians have called the ‘Kootenai Uprising,’ as well as the annual regional holiday that commemorates that event - Sam Steele Days. By unpacking the symbols utilized in remembering history, applying new historical evidence towards the long accepted narrative and collaborating with Ktunaxa Nation, this thesis attempts to set the historical record straight, include Ktunaxa perspectives in the regional historical narrative and critically examine the practice of mythology in settler society as a way to both remember and forget the past. / Graduate / 2021-08-28

This thesis examines the Boxer Uprising which took place in China around the turn of the twentieth century as a domestic crisis in the United States and the means through which different factions within America shaped the popular perception of the event. It argues that American and Chinese interest groups successfully managed the crisis by developing a narrative that served to further their own interests. These efforts were geared towards convincing an uncertain American public of the necessity and righteousness of particular ways to respond to the crisis. The primary factor in this narrative was a malleable ideal of civilization centered on American concepts of industry, Christianity, and democracy. This thesis maintains that the print media of the day was the essential element for the distribution of this message, which allowed for an explanation to the crisis, the protection of Chinese citizens within the United States, justification for American actions abroad, and a speedy return to the status quo.

Few historical works focus on the period of German history immediately following World War I. Fewer still inquire about how the Majority Social Democratic Party (MSPD) regime exercised power. This paper looks at the rhetoric in the MSPD's party organ Vorwärts to understand how they presented themselves to the German people following the collapse of the Imperial regime. The official party organ provides unique insight into how the MSPD regime transitioned from a party in opposition to leading the provisional government and how it justified holding that power. The official party newspaper of the radical Spartakusbund coupled with the conservative Neue Preußische Kreuzzeitung provide a context to further understand the rhetoric of the MSPD and how the opponents of the majority socialist regime responded to the interim government. The MSPD was in a difficult position after the collapse of the Imperial regime, which was exacerbated by a hostile rhetorical environment. Upon assuming power, the MSPD was hesitant and defensive but grew into their position of leadership, winning the largest portion of votes in the January 19th election of 1919 as well as the early elections of the Weimar republic. / History

This thesis argues that the Maoist guerrilla movement headed by members of the Communist Party of Brazil (PCdoB) chose Araguaia as the stage for its insurrection based on perceived ideological and physical advantages. It examines the founding of the PCdoB as it split from the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB) over the issue of armed resistance in 1962. While the PCB did not promote the use of violence against the military dictatorship, the PCdoB sought an environment in which they could foster revolutionary fervor. Though the war’s longevity demonstrates that the PCdoB accurately assessed some camponeses’ willingness to help the guerrilheiros, their inability to foster loyalty within their ranks hindered the party’s mission. The movement’s leaders policed the bodies of pregnant guerrilla members and this lack of reproductive freedom led two members to abandon the revolutionary cause. Pedro Albuquerque Neto and his wife Tereza Cristina successfully abandoned detachment C in favor of keeping their child. Pedro was imprisoned in Fortaleza leading to the discovery of the guerrilla camps in Araguaia and the end to a revolution that never truly got off the ground. Thus, this thesis proposes that while the PCdoB’s choice in Araguaia was thought to garner the best possible opportunity for a rural revolution, their mission to radicalize the camponeses was cut short by the Brazilian Armed Forces in April of 1972.

Yes / The concept of ‘fairness’ has been used to frame political struggles by politicians and activists across the political spectrum. This article looks at its use in the US State of Wisconsin during the ‘Uprising’ – a series of occupations, protests, recall elections and militant direct action that began in 2011. These events were a response to a ‘budget repair bill’ that sought to strip public sector union members of their collective bargaining rights and to apply severe austerity measures within the State. This article suggests that although ‘fairness’ has a certain broad-based and intuitive appeal, its mutability means that it is unlikely to be successful in framing a structural critique that can build and sustain social action. Instead, it argues that framing this conflict as an uprising suggested a more explicit form of resistance that enabled a wider mobilization, and this can best be understood as an example of social (movement) unionism – the extension of traditional work place rights approaches to include broader agendas of social justice, civil rights, immigrant rights and economic justice for non-unionized workers.

The Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) rose up in Mexico’s southeastern state of Chiapas on January 1, 1994. The Zapatistas’ process of consolidating territorial autonomy and stance of radical refusal are a challenge and threat to the Mexican state and neoliberal governance practices. At the center of that autonomy process are changes in gender equity and gendered relations of power that are crucial to the gains of the project. This multi-sited ethnography of that process takes place in a zone of contact where local practices and struggles for indigenous rights, autonomy, and women’s rights meet with solidarity and opposition. My dissertation follows two strategic lines of inquiry. First, women’s bodies have been central to both nation building and to alternative forms of nationalism and tradition. In Mexico, indigenous women have been the raw material of these projects. The EZLN included questions of gender and women’s equity from the beginning of the movement. This contrasts with other social movements of the past few decades in Latin America, and with the conventional wisdom that it is necessary to elide gender contestations and challenges to patriarchy in order to make gains as a movement. I argue that the overall struggle has not in fact been undermined, but strengthened. I examine the extent to which Zapatista women have forged new subjectivities (affirming both gender equality and collective cultural difference) in defiance of local patriarchal control, gendered state violence, and of discourses that characterize them as victims of their culture. Second, I argue that the analysis of these changes in gendered relations of power reveals how the Zapatista autonomy project is integrating difference without reverting to previous models of belonging premised on assimilation or the recognition of difference solely at the individual level. The EZLN rejected a solution based on ethnic citizenship in favor of indigenous autonomy and collective rights; their autonomous governance offers important insights into state power and its effects, and into strategies and alternatives to inclusion in the neoliberal project. / text

The United States needs a long-term counterterrorism strategy in Yemen. Nearly three years in, the faltering Yemeni transition threatens to fall apart in the face of an economic crisis, ongoing internal conflict, and al Qaeda attacks. Unchecked, a failed Yemeni state will provide al Qaeda with a larger recruiting base and an expanded area for operations. To prevent this nightmare scenario, the United States should integrate military restructuring, political reform, and economic development policies into its greater strategy to counter al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP). This report describes the dynamics of the 2011 Yemeni uprising, the subsequent political transition, and the simultaneous evolution of AQAP. The report then analyzes these phenomena in the context of U.S. national security policy to determine a long-term counterterrorism strategy in Yemen. To succeed in defeating AQAP and stabilizing Yemen, the U.S. government must engage with its Yemeni partners and regional actors; invest in Yemen's military restructuring, political transition, and economic reforms; and continue to attack AQAP through direct action operations and in tandem with Yemeni armed forces. / text

This Thesis analyses the position of the Slovak National Council from 1944 through 1948 as a body that had acquired all legislative, executive and government powers after its revolutionary establishment in Slovakia. The Thesis also deals with the period preceding the constitution of the Slovak National Council in order to point out the historical reasons of establishment of this Slovak national authority in light of developing Czech-Slovak relationships from late 18th century to the Slovak National Uprising, after which the Slovak National Council had been established and taken the reins thereof afterwards. The Slovak National Council is considered in this Thesis a Slovak national authority which originated under the circumstances of the historical period as an expression of the Slovak nation's independence concurrently entering the anti-fascist and anti-nationalist struggle aimed at release from the factual German thraldom. Slovak National Council in 1944 through 1948 reflects the Slovak nation's position within the period common restoration of the Czechoslovak Republic and the Thesis analyses how the position had been deteriorating due to the following historical events, particularly due to power ambitions of the Soviet Union pursuing its sphere of influence in the Czechoslovak Republic mainly...