This work examines relevancy of theoretical aproaches on the subject of democratization processes presented by Francis Fukuyama, Samuel Huntington and Fareed Zakaria, and it discusses a level of relevancy of their theoretical concepts and theses in comparison to the democratization process in Libya, which started in spring 2011. First, the theoretical part of this work presents specific historical, sociocultural, political, religious and economic contexts of Libya from a historical-sociology perspective with a focus on the democratization and liberalization processes in Libya. It discusses democratization factors and reasons, which are applied on the situation in Libya. The empirical part of this work presents reflections and perspectives of the democratization process in Libya from an emical perspective of a Libyan citizen. These reflections are confronted with the theoretical approaches presented in the first part, especially with Huntington's Third Wave. The empirical part reflects the processes of the previous non- democratic regime of Muammar Kaddafi, then the fall of the regime and the revolution situation in Libya, a new democratic regime and finally, the perspectives of consolidation of democracy in Libya.

The aim of the thesis was to bring events after 1945, when there was a period of remembrance in the company , which served as a therapy , politics and aesthetics . Work on the memories gradually morphed into , among other things , to the monuments that act against collective oblivion . Arise place of remembrance , which relate to historical events and private stories . Partisan monuments fill in the country which they have to remind essentially absent . Again remembering you and gets to the surface again forgotten information that creating a logical connection form the structure . This structure is subject to change , which helped by rewriting and overlapping information in different layers of the structure . Neither art does not avoid the remembrance and forgetting , and creates a theme of a strategy , which is included rewriting . Media and individual override blank sheets in the past, currently , collecting and composing the mosaic , which allows you to create your own identity.

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A civil Uprising on 17 June 1953 in the German Democratic Republic created a dilemma for a number of writers there. On one hand, they were deeply committed to the principles of socialism, upon which their state was based and which they saw as being put in grave danger by events such as those they experienced on 17 June. On the other hand, they were fiercely critical of the practice of socialism as pursued by the governing party, whose Stalinist methods of governance they believed to be in large part responsible for the civil unrest. My thesis explores the nature of this dilemma in the case of four writers, Bertolt Brecht, Heiner Müller, Stefan Heym and Erich Loest, and their efforts to resolve it within a repressive state, whose regime vigorously suppressed all signs of criticism or dissent. These writers created major works of fiction, a cycle of poems, a drama and two novels, in which the Uprising of 17 June is the central theme. In addition, each has provided a substantial body of non-fictional texts, largely journalistic and autobiographical, in which the Uprising is extensively contextualised. In bringing together and interrelating the fictional and non-fictional work of each author into my analysis, I have been able to demonstrate that all four held and publicly expressed views that set them in opposition to the regime in the GDR.

The aim of this research is to reflect on how Syrian TV drama has worked to produce a narrative of 9 society in the context of a liberalized autocracy, such as Bashar al-Asad's Syria appears to be; and how this narrative has been commodified for and promoted on the Pan Arab market. My work focuses on the mechanism by which this form of elite cultural production, in tune with the agenda of the political elites, has elaborated and projected disciplinary and pedagogical messages for the Syrian public. It analyses the forms this subtle mechanism has taken in a market-oriented framework, where neoliberal "fantasies of accommodation and order"6 and for the thrill of consumption and a free choice between a range of lifestyles have given those in power novel ways of inducing compliance, while at the same time spreading new fears of the threat of instability and disorder in an increasingly complex and difficult to comprehend world.

This thesis explores the transformation of public spaces, with reference to power relations and the struggle for power. In this regard Tehran has been chosen as the main concern and the case of the study, while in its short history of being the political center of the country, the city has been hosting several uprisings and political tensions that are projected on the body of the city. The agencies of this power struggle will be analyzed sociologically and politically, to comprehend the way public spaces of the city and the conception of space are transformed. The spatial analysis of the case of the study in different periods of its history, in relation to socio-political elements of effect, will cause the study to evolve around a simultaneous concentration on spatial transformation and power relations. With such a framework this thesis will question the role of architecture and urban design in the transformation of space, which is dominated by the power struggle, and its balance. The primary aim here is to understand how public space becomes a political apparatus in using urban public spaces historically, in the struggle over power, and how the ruling power represents its ideology in public spaces and how in response the resisting forces of the society manifest their demand for change in public spaces and appropriate those v spaces to live in. Alongside the theoretical discussions, the case of Tehran will provide a multi dimensional source for these explorations / the discussions will mainly focus on a great public square of Tehran (Azadi Square), and the entrance of Tehran University, as the critical and symbolic nodes of public gatherings in the recent history of this city, to analyze how public spaces which are created by one authority of power might totally change in terms of function and meaning, and be transformed into a new entity with similarities and contradictions with the previous one.

Beginning in December 2010, Tunisian citizens used techniques of protest, resistance and intervention in a struggle for freedom from the systems that had for decades denied them agency, autonomy and dignity. As a result of their resistance, in January 2011 the Tunisian people successfully deposed the authoritarian president Ben Ali after 23 years in power. Though this movement began spontaneously and operated without designated leadership, the role of the national labor union - The Union Générale Tunisienne du Travail (UGTT) - was vital in mobilizing and directing the uprising. This thesis will interpret the events of the 2011 Tunisian uprising through the framework of civil resistance, as defined by Gene Sharp and Hardy Merriman. Through the use of political defiance and noncooperation, civil resistance employs nonviolent tactics to challenge and remove entrenched political leaders and systems. This study will analyze the Tunisian uprising and the role of the UGTT in the movement using three indicators of civil resistance success: unity, strategic planning, and nonviolent discipline. Despite sporadic incidents of violence, this thesis asserts that the 2011 Tunisian uprising successfully enacted nonviolent civil resistance, and the implementation of nonviolent political action has made the establishment of a genuine and lasting democracy a real possibility for the future. The UGTT were invaluable in the 2011 uprising as facilitators and collaborators with the Tunisian people, and currently function in a pivotal nonpartisan and objective intermediary political role. Though the outcome remains uncertain and the conclusion of the revolution in flux, the 2011 Tunisian uprising has set an example and a precedent for civil resistance to the rest of the world.

The following study traces the history of fundamental political resistance to Communism in the Soviet Occupied Zone/German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1955. The two most tangible manifestations of this form of resistance are dealt with: actions of members of the non-Marxist parties before being co-opted into the Communist system, and the popular uprising on 17 June 1953. In both manifestations, the state's abuse of basic rights of its citizens---such as freedom of speech and personal legal security---played a dominant role in motivation to resist. / This study argues that the 17 June uprising was an act of fundamental resistance which aimed to remove the existing political structures in the German Democratic Republic. By examining the Soviet Occupied Zone and German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1955, it becomes clear that there existed in the population a basic rejection of the Communist system which was entwined with the regime's disregard for basic rights. Protestors on 17 June 1953 demonstrated for the release of political prisoners, and voiced political demands similar to those which had been raised by oppositional members of the non-Marxist parties in the German Democratic Republic prior to their being forced into line. The organized political resistance in the non-Marxist parties represented "Resistance with the People" (Widerstand mit Volk).