Avec le soulèvement de 1946 (février-mars) débute en Égypte une crise politique qui dure jusqu’à la mise en place du système nassérien (1952-1954) où se mêlent velléités de changement social et d’indépendance. Les 18 et 19 janvier 1977, l’insurrection spontanée, contre la diminution des subventions publiques sur vingt-cinq produits de consommation, révèle le rejet massif du nouvel ordre moral que Sadate souhaite imposer. Les manifestants rappellent le Président de la République aux promesses nassériennes que la défaite de 1967 dans la guerre contre Israël a fait voler en éclat. Réflexion sur les façons de vivre et de transmettre l’expérience révolutionnaire, cette thèse présente, depuis Alexandrie, les épisodes insurrectionnels de 1946 et de 1977 qui ont secoué les grandes villes d’Égypte. Au travers d’une enquête orale auprès de militants alexandrins et des sources de nature diverses, les événements sont présentés tantôt sous l’angle du temps court, tantôt dans leur conjoncture.C’est à distance de la chronologie, dans les interstices des différents registres d’énonciation (témoignages et discours politiques, récit d’histoire ou de fiction, etc.), que cette thèse explore les traces du « trésor » : expérience collective de la liberté chère au poète René Char, « rejetée » par ceux qui la vivent une fois qu’elle se termine. On voit se dessiner des notions, des institutions et des expériences collectives au travers desquels se forgent, dans la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, l’idée du changement social, de ses limites et les moyens par lesquels des personnes ordinaires peuvent y participer. / The uprising of 1946 (February-March) initiates a political crisis in Egypt that lasts until the implementation of the Nasserian system (1952-1954) and involves both hopes of social change and national independence. The spontaneous uprising that happens in January 18th and 19th 1977 against the reducing of price subsidies of 25 consuming products, reveals a massive rejection of the new moral order that Sadat wishes to impose. The demonstrators remind their President to the Nasserian promises that the 1967’s defeat in the war against Israel demolished.This thesis seeks to develop a reflexion on the ways of living and transmitting the revolutionary experience based on the events of the Egyptian urban uprisings of 1946 and 1977 from the point of view of Alexandria. It presents the events in the short time and in their conjunctures through an oral inquiry among Alexandrian activists and sources of several natures, as part of constant concern for documenting the effects of scale between individual history and collective history, as well as the historicity of insurrection.Away from linear chronology, in the interstices between the categories of expression (testimonies, stories and political discourses, history and fiction, etc.), this research explores the tracks of the “treasure”, a word that the poet Rene Char uses to describe a collective experience of liberty, rejected by whom lives it as soon as it ends. It reveals a network of notions, institutions and collective experiences which defines social change, its limits and the ways by which ordinary people get involved in it, through the second part of the XXth century.

There is nothing in history which can be classified as an isolated event with no bearing on the whole. The Warsaw Rising of 1944 may seem to be a remote episode in the history of Polish-Soviet relations but it has, in fact, many aspects, not the least of which is its context in the history of twentieth century world relationships. It would have been beyond the scope of this work to analyze all these aspects. I have only attempted to present the genesis of the Warsaw Rising in the Polish underground struggle against the Germans and in the Polish-Soviet relations during world War II of which it is also the climax and the last forceful expression of dissent. [...]

The important and exemplary role that Internet technology played in enhancing the publicity campaign of the Chiapas insurgents in their struggle for political reform in Mexico, is the focus of this thesis. By examining the Internet as an alternative distribution network for Subcomandante Marcos' communiques, it can be conjectured that the technology provided him with a space through which his voice could be heard in the international political arena. It was a space both external to Mexican government control, and through which Macros disseminated a powerful discourse representing the insurgents' political goals and grievances--one contrary to that being transmitted by the state-controlled media. Internet technology, it can be argued, generated the necessary national and international public consciousness, opinion, scrutiny and support for the Chiapas insurgents, that ultimately transformed their conflict with the Mexican government from a violent war of arms, to one of peaceful negotiation and dialogue.

Thesis (M.A.)--Brandeis University, 2009. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on June 29, 2009). Includes bibliographical references.

A spatial -temporal analysis was made by using cartographic material and Geographic Information Systems techniques. Here we compared the setting of the littoral line of a sector minimally affected by human occupation (Puémape–Puerto Chicama) with other sectors with moderate occupation (La Chira–Lurín) to strongly modified (Salaverry–Las Delicias and the Miraflores Bay). During the period 1961-2006 in the sector Puémape – Puerto Chicama, we identified the predominance of the advance or stability of the coastal line. The sector La Chira – Lurín presented a setting similar, with the tendency to stability and, the sectors strongly intervened showed a setting openly erosive. To the contrary as expected, the rising of sea level due to global warming doesn’t seem to be the principal cause of beach erosion in Perú. This is mainly due to the strong human intervention in the coast because at undisturbed sectors the predominance is stability or advance of the littoral line. / Mediante el empleo de material cartográfico y sistema de información geográfica (SIG), se realizó un análisis espacio-temporal, donde se comparó el comportamiento de la línea de litoral de un sector costero mínimamente afectado por la ocupación humana (Puémape–Puerto Chicama) con otros sectores costeros con ocupación moderada (La Chira–Lurín) a fuertemente modificada (Salaverry–Las Delicias y la bahía de Miraflores). Durante el período comprendido entre 1961 y 2006 para el sector Puémape–Puerto Chicama, se identificó el predominio del avance o estabilidad de la línea de costa. El sector La Chira–Lurín presentó un comportamiento similar, con tendencia a la estabilidad y los sectores fuertemente intervenidos presentaron un comportamiento netamente erosivo. Al contrario de lo esperado, la elevación del nivel del mar debido el calentamiento global no parece ser la causa principal de la erosión de playas en el Perú. Esta se debe principalmente a la fuerte intervención en costa ya que en sectores no alterados el predominio es de estabilidad o avance de la línea de litoral.

This study In an attempt to promote equal access to education, we in South Africa, have adopted an instrumentalist approach to the debate of the right to education. In other words, we have provided an enabling legal framework and we simply assume that access to education has been granted to every one. We continue to pretend that we understand what exactly the concept of “access to education” means. We also assume that we all have a common understanding of what the Constitution means by the right to education. On 26 June 1955 the historic Freedom Charter of the African National Congress (ANC) was adopted. This charter declared “the doors of learning and culture shall be opened.” Over the next four decades, the demand for open and equal access to education became central platform in the anti-apartheid struggles that brought an ANC-led government to power in 1994. Yet, ten years later (2004) the problem of access continues to preoccupy education planners and activists against the backdrop of some of the most progressive policy positions including a Constitution that recognizes education as a basic right. The intellectual puzzle that motivates this study is to explain, therefore, why despite its prominence, it continues to be regarded as an intractable problem. The research strategy adopted in pursuit of this puzzle is to trace the changing meanings of the concept of “access to education” under and after apartheid, and its expression in the practices of two case study schools (comparative case studies). Data was collected from different sources to trace the concept of access to education in education from the apartheid era to the policies and practices that affirm access to education as a basic human right today. This study hopes to contribute significantly to the dialogue of “access” as a realisation of the basic right to education. For the conceptual framework Morrow’s distinction between epistemological access and physical access was used. Formal access to education refers to enrolment or registration at an education institution, in this case, a school, whereas epistemological access refers to access to knowledge and information that these education institutions hold. I expanded the conceptual framework to include dimensions of epistemological access such as how the topic is taught, who selected the topic, the value and political basis. I undertook documentary analysis and a series of interviews with individuals who were involved in the struggle either through intellectual contributions in the NEC and NEPI processes or in the National Education Co-ordinating Committee. I also conducted two case studies of schools located in vastly different social and political contexts. At these schools, I collected data through classroom and school observations, semi-structured interviews with principals, history teachers and learners. Findings: The first finding of this study is that the ways in which students experience access to knowledge (epistemological access) is strongly dependent on the history and politics of the school context and the institutional culture, rather than the formal prescriptions laid down in the school curriculum The second finding of this study is that even when students enjoy physical access to schools, they have highly uneven, even unequal, access to knowledge within those schools. The third finding is that despite the awareness and understanding of what good education entails, without physical access, it is difficult for individuals to entertain discussions about epistemological access. The fourth finding is that despite claims that the policy promotes increased access to education, it was not possible to find reports that refer to any significant degree of quality outcomes as a result of the implementation of the principle of “equality of access” to education. Increased access to education has not resulted in quality output. This dissertation contributes to knowledge by its nuanced exploration of the complexities of access to education as a human right. Most importantly it pushes the boundaries of knowledge pertaining to both physical and epistemological access at the time when each of these are crucial points in the education development agenda. / Thesis (PhD (Education Management and Policy Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Education Management and Policy Studies / unrestricted

In 1956, shortly before Nigeria’s independence, Shell BP found crude oil in Oloibiri Bayelsa State marking a turning point in the socioeconomics and politics of the nation. Since then, oil has grown into a major export commodity comprising over ninety-five percent of the nation’s gross national product. The region is one of the world’s largest ecosystems, but due to the ongoing pollution, a direct result of the oil companies lacks potable water. This study addresses this humanitarian crisis and examines the agency of Nigeria’s federal government and the collaboration with multinational oil corporations’ contributions to the environmental deconstruction in the region. The thesis further investigates the historical moments building towards the uprising in Ogoniland, centered around the leader Ken-Saro Wiwa, who was killed by the Nigerian government. It examines social movements in the region, and aims to tie the local question to the federal question of unity in the country.

In the course of time, the Egyptian army has developed a complicated network of economic interests as a privileged establishment, and independent from civilian oversight or political surveillance. This dissertation argues that; the well-established and long lasting independent economic interests may turn the military establishment to an independent stakeholder and closed, conservative group within the society seeks to preserve its own privileges by controlling over the political power and resist any external oversight including the democratic reforms that may create a threat to these privileges. Such military establishment is a direct threat to any democratic transition. In this case, the armies securitize the political sphere raising the democratic reforms as foreign conspiracy and an existential threat to its privileges and raise the nationalism and xenophobic rhetoric as it needs to create a political justification for their security practices that aim to crush the opposition and secure the political power. I suppose that the Egyptian case shows causal relations between the economic interests of the military establishment and the nationalism as a dominant ideology. Such military is leaning to not only control the political power, but it aims to militarize the societal values and control over the...

Analyzing the various factors that strengthened the Hashemite regime's stability during the spread of chaos caused by the Arab Spring is deemed important; even though the wave of the Arab Spring has ended, Jordan's economy is still suffering and the public is still demanding reform nonetheless, the Hashemite regime is untouched. This research will analyze the regime-society bond in light of the Arab Uprising that has undoubtedly assisted in the survival of the kingdom by creating a framework by which protesters unconsciously adhered to that entailed calls for political and economic reform to be initiated by the existing regime. Furthermore, the Hashemite's most powerful allies made sure to provide military and financial assistance to ensure the regime and the kingdoms remain secure and stable. However, such aid did not come without a price; it was critical for the Hashemite regime to balance between maintaining its coordinated strategies with its allies to maintain the close relations and maintaining its sovereignty and the foreign policies that serve national interests.

This dissertation is a study of Palestinian women’s roles following the First Intifada, or Palestinian uprising, which began in 1987. This study considers whether Palestinian women found greater participation in their social life outside of the home during the challenges of the Intifada. In Palestinian society, traditional family roles and the various interpretations of Islamic teachings about to the family have severely restricted the role of women in society, and these limitations have served to increase the desire of these women for greater participation outside of the home. This dissertation will focus on how religious forces, in addition to education and political participation, have influenced the roles available to Palestinian women. In addition, it will focus on whether family roles changed during the First Intifada and whether any of these changes has a lasting impact. An examination of the history and social back ground of Palestinian society, Muslim, and Arabic culture will help demonstrate the impact of religion, education, and political participation, on Palestinian women roles after the First Intifada, during the years 1987-1992. The study was conducted by a team from Brigham Young University (BYU) during 1994-1995. The BYU team included professors Bruce Chadwick, Brain Barber, Tim Heaton, Camille Fronk, and Ray Huntington. The intent of study was to understand the family life of Palestinians. The study focused on marriage, family size, gender roles, education of women, marriage between relatives, and location of residence after marriage. Questionnaires were obtained from approximately 7,000 ninth grade students and from both their parents. The youth and parent questionnaires were developed by the team and then translated into Arabic by Palestinian translators. The Arabic questions were reviewed by several Palestinians who recommended some minor corrections. Before distributing the survey, BYU team pre-tested the questionnaires with a sample of youth and adults living in East Jerusalem. Questionnaires were printed by a Palestinian business in the West Bank. The survey team then distributed the surveys in 64 secondary schools in the Gaza Strip and West Bank, which were operated by the United Nation Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA). The research team was pleasantly surprised by the number of parents who returned the questionnaires. Completed surveys were returned by 92 to 97 percent of students (n=6, 923), by 85 to 94 percent of the fathers (n= 6, 253), and by 84 to 90 percent of their mothers (n=6,024). A ball-point pen was given to each student and a calculator to each head teacher as gifts for their cooperation in distributing, completing, and collecting the questionnaires. To express appreciation to the schools who participated, the research team presented a report of the data school officials. A structural equation model was used to predict the effects of education, religion, and political participation on family roles. Figure 2 shows the predicted model with B- coefficients. The previous results suggest little change is family roles in Palestine. Thus, given this lack of change in family roles, the model had little to predict and it is not surprising that only 2% of the variance was explained (CFI= .874, χ2 = 80.5, and df=6). Overall, the final model suggests that education, religion, and political participation had a limited impact on women seeking changes in family roles. As expected, higher levels of religiosity defined by stronger commitment to Islam were significantly associated with lower likelihood of women seeking change in family roles (β-coefficient= -.059, p-value= .009). On the other hand, increases in women’s level of education (β-coefficient= .114, p-value <.001) and higher levels of political participation defined by participation and involvement in the Intifada (β-coefficient=.065, p-value < .001) were significantly associated with a higher likelihood of women seeking change in the family roles. It is also unsurprising that education was the strongest predictive factor. Research indicates that as education increases, women seek change in their familial roles. On the other hand, it is surprising to find only a weak relationship between women’s involvement in the Intifada and a desire for change in family roles.