Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T17:55:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mayara_Fontoura_Chagas.pdf: 2456965 bytes, checksum: e6a11bb125979a5a4fc0eb8218c32af9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / In this research we aim to analyze how the memories concerning the Três Barras uprising are narrated in 1964; studying how people interpret and give meaning to this conflict. Therefore we identifies people who were part of this conflict and others who knew it through oral narratives, by interviewing them about their life experiencies and as to how they understand the uprising. Besides that, we aim to understand the meanings these people give to this conflict and, also, to understand how the oral narratives inside the book on Três Barras and the criminal act 147/64 - Três Barras work as different versions of a social memory regarding this conflict is shared. We also discuss the colonization process in Paraná, after the 1930s; the land conflicts which happened inside this context and, also, what came before it; what it was and how Três Barras uprising happend in 1964; as well as what are its connections regarding State and Federal level. Thses discussions were necessary se we could understand the social context in which the uprising happened, because alongside with this conflict, other conflicts happened around the same time with land dispute as their main problem. Furthermore we discuss concepts as memory, colonization, occupation and, also, settlers, squatters and land invaders. These concepts were brought forth in order to support our analysis and to understand, through this disseration, the process in which this conflict happened, as well as to understand the people who underwent it as to go through their experiences and their memory (re)creations on this uprising. Thus, we aim for discussing how these memories are narrated, describing how the people interpret and create meaning concerning this social conflict, which is much broader then only presenting how the uprising happened: it describes how these people's memories can be articuladed and (re)created, taking into account the social space which these people live currently. Therefore, these historical narratives help on understanding how people place themselves while facing these memories, how they give and create new meaning to it, through their experiences, in these moment of conflict / Neste trabalho dissertamos sobre o processo de colonização que envolveu o estado do Paraná, posterior à década de 1930; os conflitos agrários originados dentro desse contexto; o que foi e como se deu a revolta de Três Barras no Paraná em 1964; e sobre quais são suas ligações com os contextos políticos estadual e federal. Para além disso discutimos acerca de noções como a de memória, colonização, ocupação e, também, de colonos, posseiros e grileiros. Tais noções foram discutidas no intuito de embasarmos nossas análises e de melhor compreendermos, ao longo desta dissertação, o processo que envolveu tal conflito, os sujeitos que dele participaram, de pensarmos as experiências que estes vivenciaram e as (re)criações de memórias sobre a revolta de Três Barras. Buscamos pensar também como a revolta de Três Barras é significada nos depoimentos/narrativas presentes no Auto de Ação Criminal 147/64. Problematizamos os interrogatórios apresentados como provas no auto de ação criminal, tanto dos acusados como de testemunhas, compreendendo que estes estão envoltos em outras questões como quem fala, para quem fala, de onde se fala, se há implicações em citar alguns aspectos específicos, entre outros. Para tanto compreendemos que o processo criminal não é somente uma fonte para analisarmos os conflitos agrários, mas ele mesmo se estabelece como uma forma de criminalizar o movimento e ainda, que este não se constitui como uma narrativa do que foi a revolta de Três Barras, mas sim como um suporte de diferentes versões e discursos sobre esse momento histórico. Assim, buscamos pensar como as memórias sobre a revolta de Três Barras são narradas, explicitando como os sujeitos interpretam e atribuem significados a esse conflito social pela posse da terra, o que nos diz muito mais do que simplesmente apresentar versões sobre como a revolta ocorreu. Diz-nos como as memórias desses sujeitos podem ser rearticuladas e (re)criadas, levando em consideração os lugares sociais que estes ocupam no presente. Assim, as narrativas nos possibilitam compreender como os sujeitos se posicionam frente a essas memórias, como as resignificam (re)construindo identidades e atribuindo, por meio de suas experiências, sentidos diversos a esse momento de luta

The purpose of this bachelor thesis was to examine how Swedish opinion journalists chose to portray The Gasoline Uprising 2.0, from both a framing perspective and a perspective of modes of persuasion. The research questions examined were: How does opinion journalists at Swedish daily newspapers frame The Gasoline Uprising 2.0? How does opinion journalists at Swedish daily newspapers use modes of persuasion in opinion pieces about The Gasoline Uprising 2.0?  The methods used in this bachelor thesis were a self made method that we based on Robert M. Entmans existing theory regarding framing. We also used a theory based on Karlberg and Mrals rhetoric method of analysis concerning the perspective modes of persuasions. A mix of these methods were used to examine how Swedish opinion journalists chose to frame The Gasoline Uprising 2.0. By examining the opinion pieces we found a variety of patterns. One of the main frame patterns pointed towards the writers feelings regarding compassion and understanding towards people that live in the countryside. Primarily the writers chose to frame The Gasoline Uprising 2.0 as an issue regarding the increasing polarization between the countryside and the city. The findings concerning the use of modes of persuasion showed that the writers primarily used compassion to increase their credibility during the use of ethos in the opinion pieces. Regarding logos we found that several writers used underlaying causes and compared the Swedish environmental politics to other countries in order to get people behind their thesis. From a pathos perspective, we found that the writers wanted to awaken feelings of empathy and anger within the reader.

The thesis focuses on analysis of the standpoints within the British government and its representatives towards Poland during the January insurrection (1863-1864) in the context of international relationships and towards representatives of the Polish nation in Poland and in exile. The thesis further describes actions that were taken by the Polish emigrants in The Great Britain and their influence on the British foreign policy and society. Key words: The January uprising, Great Britain, Poland, Polish insurrection, 19th century, British-Polish relations

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UNIVERZITA KARLOVA V PRAZE FAKULTA SOCIÁLNÍCH VĚD Institut komunikačních studií a žurnalistiky Ondřej Šafář Odraz národních povstání v NDR, Polsku a Maďarsku v letech 1953-1956 v soudobém československém tisku se zaměřením na deníky Rudé právo a Mladá fronta Diplomová práce Praha 2016 Abstract The thesis "Reflection of national uprisings in East Germany, Poland and Hungary in the years 1953-1956 in contemporary press in Czechoslovakia, focusing the study on daily newspapers Rude právo and Mladá fronta" concentrates on the way, how the media reflected uprisings that took place in the 50s in neighbouring countries under the Soviet sphere of influence. The thesis describes the political development in Czechoslovakia from the end of World War II until 1956. The thesis also describes the development, structure and governance of the Czechoslovakia media in this period of time, including the history of the monitored dailies Rudé právo and Mladá fronta. The thesis also focuses on the background and the process of the three uprisings in East Germany, Poland and Hungary. Following part introduces basic theoretical concepts (including ideology, propaganda, hegemony and discourse) as a background for the practical part, which is a qualitative research of journals Rudé právo and Mladá fronta at selected periods of time...

Poland was erased from European political maps in 1795 and fought in vain for freedom for the next century, until World War I provided another chance for independence. On November 11, 1918, the creation of the Polish Republic was proclaimed, but in an atmosphere of uncertainty, particularly relative to frontiers. The border with Germany was established in 1920-21 after plebiscites. While peaceful in Masuria, Ermland and Pomerania, there were three violent uprisings of the ethnic Poles in Upper Silesia. The status of Gdansk as a Free City was confirmed at Versailles in 1919. The Southern border with Czechoslovakia was settled in 1920. The Eastern borders were established after a war with Ukraine and a conflict with Lithuania. The last and most exhausting war with Soviet Russia was ended by 1921s Riga Peace Treaty. Polands boundaries were finally recognized by the Conference of Ambassadors in March 1923.

Since 1976, Syria has suffered two separate but in nature similar rebellions which was different in terms of spreading, impact and size. The existing literature fails to compare these rebellions and answer the question on how two similar uprising can produce different outcomes. The objective of this study is to answer that question and produce a foundation that is usable when studying future uprisings in the Middle East and Syria. This is a qualitative research that uses multiple case studies that are compared in order to fulfil the objective of this study. The research if a desk study and uses an abductive approach. Two different theoretical concepts have been used in order to understand the dynamics that shaped the two rebellions. These are Frank H. Zimmerman's theory on why insurgencies fail and Frederick D. Miller's model of movement decline. The authors pinpoint different factors that makes a uprising prone to failure or success and these factors has been used as a lens when analysing the findings of this essay. The findings of this essay suggest that key differences that made an impact on the conflicts where the amount of local support, external support and the role of social media. In order to fully understand the dynamics that shapes modern rebellions, further research on the role of globalisation and social media is conflict must be conducted.

This book is a monograph about Anna Świrszczyńska’s poetry. It may be described as one woman’s attempt to read another woman’s literary work by taking into account established canons as well as the tools of feminist literary analysis. Part One begins with a discussion of Świrszczyńska’s biography (Chapter One). It then moves on to an overview of critical (mainly male) reactions to Świrszczyńska’s work (Chapter Two), with special regard to Czesław Miłosz’s contribution to its interpretation and popularization (Chapter Three). In Part Two there are three principal discussions: 1) of Anna Świrszczyńska’s early work Wiersze i proza [Poems and Prose] (1936), in which the poet develops her specific female view of European art and culture as disintegrated into incongruent fragments. Her premonition of the apocalypse, which is soon to be fulfilled in the events of World War II, finds its expression in the poet’s desperate attempts to unite the fragments of a shattered culture into individualized versions of myths (Chapter Four); 2) of the collection Budowałam barykadę [Building the Barricade] (1974), in which what is most crucial to the poet (biographically and poetically) is expressed – the encounter with human suffering in an inhuman world. Following this, her poetic view of the mortal body exposed to suffering under an empty sky becomes a well established motif in her work (Chapter Five); 3) of the collection Jestem baba (1972), in which Świrszczyńska introduces into poetry, by making the non-poetical “baba” her lyric heroine, the “outlawed feminine” and, as a result, revolutionizes the language of poetry and poetic representation, which leads in turn to liberating herself from the hegemony of the totalizing male gaze. In this way her anti-world is created (Chapter Six). The “world” is understood here as a male term – one might say that Świrszczyńska creates a “woman’s anti-world” as a place where the woman herself has to regain the right to name things according to her own terms.