Since 1991, multiparty elections have been held in almost every country in sub-Saharan Africa. These elections, however, have returned the same "dominant" political parties to office time and again. While dominant party rule is often associated with authoritarianism and its variants, many of the countries in sub-Saharan Africa that are operating under dominant party rule are by most other indicators considered to be democratic (freedom and fairness of elections, independent press, protection of civil liberties and rights, etc.). Regardless, many researchers argue that lack of party alternation at the national level precludes dominant party systems from being considered democratic. I contend that previous analyses focused on elections at the national level only and, thus, are unable to accurately comment on the democratic quality of elections in dominant party systems. Further complicating matters, the logic of electoral behavior under these types of systems is not well understood. It is not clear how, if at all, electoral outcomes under dominant party systems affect individual-level democratic satisfaction--something that is intimately related to a country's democratic stability. Finally, we do not know what factors affect individual-level vote choice under dominant party systems and how these compare with more mature, consolidated democracies. This project contributes to our understanding of electoral behavior under dominant party systems by systematically examining several facets of elections in Botswana, sub-Saharan Africa's longest tenured dominant party system. I conduct both within country analysis using data from the constituency level and between country comparisons to examine the relationship between partisan competition and electoral behavior in Botswana and several of its continental counterparts. I use a combination of electoral data and survey data draw a more complete picture of the voting landscape under a dominant party system. My main findings indicate that dominant party systems where truly democratic elections (free and fair) are held exhibit significant levels of electoral competition; exert a negligible effect on democratic satisfaction; and that some citizens, conditional on educational attainment, do engage in ideological voting. Together, this project depicts a more complex and nuanced electoral environment under a dominant party system than previous research has acknowledged.

Η ψηφοφορία είναι ένας δημοφιλής τρόπος για κατανεμημένη λήψη αποφάσεων και παραδοσιακά είναι το αντικείμενο της θεωρίας κοινωνικής επιλογής έχοντας ως κεντρικό πρόβλημα το πως θα φτάσουμε ομόφωνα σε μια κοινωνικά καλή απόφαση έχοντας ως δεδομένο τις προτιμήσεις των ψηφοφόρων πάνω σε ένα σύνολο από υποψηφίους. Πολλά συστήματα ψηφοφορίας έχουν εμφανιστεί στη σχετική βιβλιογραφία από τότε που οι Borda και Marquis de Condorcet πρότειναν στα τέλη του 18ου αιώνα τα πρώτα συστήματα. Ενώ οι περισσότερες από τις σχετικές έρευνες εστιάζουν στις ιδιότητες των συστημάτων ψηφοφορίας για κυβερνητικές εκλογές ή λήψη αποφάσεων σε επιτροπές, η εμφάνιση εφαρμογών μεγάλης κλίμακας για εξόρυξη πληροφορίας, κατάταξη, και ανάκτηση έχει βάλει την ψηφοφορία στην ημερήσια διάταξη της έρευνας της επιστήμης των υπολογιστών. Όντως, προβλήματα σαν την κατάταξη συνόλων μπορούν να θεωρηθούν ως προβλήματα εκλογών. Στα προβλήματα κατάταξης συνόλων, δίδεται ένα σύνολο από διαφορετικές κατατάξεις (π.χ. τα αποτελέσματα από διαφορετικές μηχανές αναζήτησης ιστοσελίδων σε ένα συγκεκριμένο ερώτημα) για το ίδιο σύνολο δεδομένων (π.χ. ιστοσελίδες σχετικές με το ερώτημα), και ο σκοπός είναι να επιλεγεί μια μοναδική κατάταξη που είναι κοντά σε όλες τις κατατάξεις σύμφωνα με ένα καλώς ορισμένο κριτήριο. Σε αυτό το παράδειγμα, οι διαφορετικές μηχανές αναζήτησης είναι οι ψηφοφόροι και κάθε σελίδα αντιστοιχεί σε ένα υποψήφιο, και ο σκοπός σύμφωνα με το οποίον υπολογίζεται η μοναδική κατάταξη είναι ο κανόνας ψηφοφορίας. Είναι φανερό ότι σε τέτοιες εφαρμογές η απόφαση για το ποιος είναι ο νικητής των εκλογών δεν είναι το μόνο πρόβλημα, συνήθως απαιτείται η πλήρης κατάταξη των υποψηφίων. Στην εργασία αυτή γίνεται αρχικά μια προσπάθεια καταγραφής των κυριότερων συστημάτων κοινωνικής επιλογής. Κατά κύριο λόγο εστιάζουμε στη μέθοδο που πρότεινε ο Dodgson και ακολούθως στην μέθοδο του Young. Αυτοί οι κανόνες ψηφοφορίας έχουν σχεδιαστεί για να βρίσκουν τον υποψήφιο που είναι πιο κοντά στο νικητή κατά Condorcet. Το σκορ ενός δεδομένου υποψηφίου είναι γνωστό ότι είναι δύσκολο να υπολογιστεί και για τους δυο κανόνες. Σε αυτήν την εργασία, προτείνουμε για την μέθοδο του Dodgson δυο προσεγγιστικούς αλγόριθμους. Πιο συγκεκριμένα παρουσιάστηκαν και αναλύθηκαν δυο προσεγγιστικοί αλγόριθμοι υπολογισμού του Dodgson σκορ ενός υποψηφίου σε μία εκλογή Dodgson με N υποψηφίους, ένας άπληστος ντετερμινιστικός και ένας πιθανοτικός. Και οι δυο αλγόριθμοι έχουν λόγο προσέγγισης Ο (log N). Επίσης αποδεικνύουμε ότι ο άπληστος αλγόριθμος είναι βέλτιστος μέχρι ένα παράγοντα της τάξης του 2 εκτός αν όλα τα προβλήματα που ανήκουν στο ΝΡ έχουν υπο-εκθετικού (quasi-polynomial) χρόνου αλγορίθμους. Παρόλο που ο άπληστος αλγόριθμος είναι υπολογιστικά ισχυρότερος, ο πιθανοτικός μας αλγόριθμος έχει πλεονέκτημα υπό την οπτική της θεωρίας κοινωνικής επιλογής. Ακόμη, δείχνουμε ότι ο υπολογισμός οποιασδήποτε ικανοποιητικής προσέγγισης που παράγεται από τον κανόνα του Dodgson είναι υπολογιστικά δύσκολη. Αυτό παρέχει μια θεωρητική εξήγηση από σκοπιά υπολογιστικής πολυπλοκότητας για τις μεγάλες διαφορές που έχουν παρατηρηθεί στην θεωρία κοινωνικής επιλογής όταν συγκρίνονται οι εκλογές Dodgson με απλούστερους κανόνες ψηφοφορίας. Τέλος δείχνουμε ότι το πρόβλημα υπολογισμού του Young σκορ είναι ΝΡ-δύσκολο να προσεγγιστεί υπό οποιονδήποτε παράγοντα. Τα κυριότερα αποτελέσματα που εκπονήθηκαν σε αυτήν την εργασία παρουσιάστηκαν στο συνέδριο ACM-SIAM Symposium on Discrete Algorithms (SODA09). / Voting is a popular way for distributed decision making and has traditionally been the subject of Social Choice Theory with the central issue being how to reach consensus on a socially good decision given the preferences of voters on a set of alternatives (or candidates). Several voting systems have appeared in the related literature since the first voting systems were proposed by Borda and Marquis de Condorcet at the end of the 18th century. While most of the related studies have focused on properties of voting systems for government elections or decision making in committees, the emergence of large-scale applications for data mining, classification, and retrieval has put voting in the research agenda of Computer Science. Indeed, problems like rank aggregation can be thought of as elections. In rank aggregation, we are given a set of different rankings (e.g., the results from different web search engines on a particular query) over the same set of data (e.g., web pages related to the query), and the objective is to select a single ranking which is close to all rankings according to a well-defined criterion. In this example, the different web search engines are the voters, each web page corresponds to a candidate, and the objective according to which the single ranking is computed is the voting rule. Clearly, in such applications, deciding the winner of the election is not the only issue; usually, the ranking of the candidates is required as a complete answer. In this thesis firstly we familiarize the reader with the main different methods of social choice theory. We focus on two methods, the Dodgson method and the Young one. These two voting rules have been designed in order to find the candidate which is closer to the Condorcet winner, under two different significances of approach. The score of a given candidate is known that is NP-hard to compute for the two voting rules. So we suggest two approximation algorithms for the Dodgson's method. These two approximation algorithms compute the Dodgson score of a given candidate in an election of N candidates. The first one is a greedy deterministic algorithm while the second one is randomized. Both algorithms have approximation ratio of O(logN). While the greedy algorithm is computationally superior in every way, we show that the randomized has the advantage of being monotonic, which is a desirable property from a social choice point of view. We further observe that it follows from the work of McCabe-Dansted that the Dodgson score cannot be approximated within sublogarithmic factors by polynomial-time deterministic algorithms unless P = NP, and by polynomial-time randomized algorithms unless RP = NP. We prove a more explicit inapproximability result of (1-ε) lnm, under the assumption that problems in NP do not have algorithms running in quasi-polynomial time; this implies that the approximation ratio achieved by our greedy algorithm is optimal up to a factor of 2. Some of the results mentioned above establish that there are sharp discrepancies between the Dodgson ranking and the rankings produced by other rank aggregation rules. Some of these rules (e.g., Borda and Copeland) are polynomial-time computable, so the corresponing results can be viewed as negative results regarding the approximability of the Dodgson ranking by polynomial-time algorithms. We show that the problem of distinguishing between whether a given alternative is the unique Dodgson winner or in the last O(√m) positions in any Dodgson ranking is NP-hard. Finally, we found the following result : it is NP-hard to approximate the Young score within any factor. Speciφιcally, we show that it is NP-hard to distinguish between the case where the Young score of a given alternative is 0, and the case where the score is greater than 0. As a corollary we obtain an inapproximability result for the Young ranking. The results of this thesis were presented in ACM-SIAM Symposium on Discrete Algorithms (SODA09).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1966. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 89-95).

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-07-14T15:03:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 vanessasilvadefaria.pdf: 3105968 bytes, checksum: 606fd7d0ade08ff4ac27aa3f7b15cd94 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diamantino Mayra (mayra.diamantino@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-07-19T15:29:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 vanessasilvadefaria.pdf: 3105968 bytes, checksum: 606fd7d0ade08ff4ac27aa3f7b15cd94 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-19T15:29:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 vanessasilvadefaria.pdf: 3105968 bytes, checksum: 606fd7d0ade08ff4ac27aa3f7b15cd94 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-11-28 / Esta dissertação é fruto da curiosidade em compreender melhor os meandros da ação política no Brasil do século XIX – período marcado por constantes embates entre o tradicional e o moderno – e todas as problemáticas inerentes a ele, sobretudo, as eleições e a dinâmica social por trás desses eventos políticos. O nosso objetivo com esse estudo é examinar as dimensões da experiência eleitoral no Brasil Império, a partir da análise das informações contidas nas listas que compõem os livros de qualificação de votantes pertencentes ao município de Juiz de Fora, Minas Gerais, entre os anos de 1872 a 1876, e traçar o perfil dos qualificados votantes e eleitores desta municipalidade. Nesse ínterim, serão analisadas as listas referentes ao Distrito Sede do município, composto por vinte quarteirões. Buscamos agregar a utilização de novas fontes documentais a uma proposta metodológica que associa o uso da quantificação na análise qualitativa dos dados, visando entender em que medida as mudanças feitas na legislação eleitoral do Império do Brasil afetaram e moldaram as práticas eleitorais no país, e o que isso significou, em termos práticos, quando do alistamento eleitoral. / This dissertation is the result of curiosity to better understand the intricacies of the political action of Brazil in the 19th century – period marked by frequent collisions between traditional and modern - and all the problems inherent in it, above all, elections and the social dynamics behind these political events. The purpose of this study is to examine the dimensions of electoral experience in Empire of Brazil, from the analysis of the information contained in the lists that compose the books of qualification of voters belonging to the outline the profile of qualified voters and electors of this municipality. Meanwhile, the lists were analyzed lists concerning to the District Headquarters of the municipality, composed of twenty blocks. Assembled the use of new documentary sources to a methodology that combines the use of quantification in the analysis of qualitative data in order to understand how far the changes made in electoral legislation of the Empire of Brazil affected and shaped the election practices in the country, and what that signified in practical terms, when the electoral registration.

The direct election of the president is political, politological and also constitutional-legal topic which has already accompanied for many years. It appears always in connection with the presidential elections, but also as a part of the parliamentary election campaign. February 2012 interrupted the regularity and direct presidential election was approved. The first direct presidential election was held in January 2013. This term preceded by a long election campaign of candidates, persuading voters and several lawsuits. The first direct presidential election won one of the most probable winners - Miloš Zeman.

The purpose of this thesis is to study the relationship between prevalence of swing voters and the occurrence of political protest. Taking a Rational Choice approach, I hypothesize that fewer swing voters will lead to more protests, because it would incentivize polarizing behavior by political candidates. The hypothesis is tested using protest data from US congressional districts during six months of 2020 as the dependent variable, and the concept of voter elasticity as the main independent variable in a multiple regression analysis, along with various control variables. The results tentatively indicate that the hypothesis is correct, but exhibit high levels of uncertainty, highlighting potential for future research.

As populism in Europe is on the rise there are two sides of populism contesting to make an impact on their societies. In connection with existing research, this study is focusing on the most prominent left-wing populist party in Spain, Podemos, and the  most prominent right-wing populist party in Italy, Lega Nord, and examines differences in their voters’ attitudes regarding a couple of crucial indicators of populism. The study is influenced by a previous study that examined the attitudes of left-wing and right-wing voters. The main distinction between this previous study and the current one is that my study also includes voters from the Spanish left-wing party Podemos, which was not included in the previous research. The result of my study show that Podemos voters are more positive towards the EU and towards immigration in difference to Lega Nord voters, whereas they have comparable attitudes towards material deprivation and elitism.

This thesis deals with the success of the two newly formed parties ANO 2011 and Úsvit přímé demokracie Tomia Okamury in the elections to the House of Commons in the Czech Republic in 2013. These two parties gained a substantial percentage of votes and became part of the government despite the fact, that they were established shortly before the elections. In the theoretical part of this thesis, the formation and success of new parties abroad and in the Czech Republic is analysed. The main focus are the voters voting these parties, so there is an extended part dealing with voting behavior in the Czech Republic. Secondary analysis is the research method used in this thesis; its advantages are discussed in the methodological part. Secondary analysis of multiple high quality data sets is used to compare the voters of the new parties and the voters of other established parties. It turns out there are significant differences between these two groups in the areas of sociodemography, political views and experiences and even outlooks on life. The trend of new parties, which started already in the 2010 elections, is obviously continuing and it seems that it is even broadening.

This paper aims to investigate the relationship between political engagement on TikTok and the perceived levels of polarization among first-time voters in Sweden. Since there are many ways to engage with political content on TikTok, a distinction has been made between passive engagement and active engagement with political content on TikTok. On this basis, the two research questions that this thesis intends to address are: RQ1: How does passive political engagement on TikTok relate to Swedish first-time voters’ perception on the level of polarization in Sweden? RQ2: How does active political engagement on TikTok relate to Swedish first-time voters’ perception on the level of polarization in Sweden? With the foundation in previous literature and theoretical concepts, the hypotheses of the study expected there to be a positive relationship between political engagement in TikTok and perceived polarization, with active engagement expected to have a stronger effect than passive engagement. To investigate the relationship, an online survey was conducted in April 2023 with 106 respondents and the data was later presented in a OLS regression. The results found no support for the formulated hypotheses, as there was no statistically significant relationship for either active or passive engagement on TikTok and perceived polarization. Instead the analysis suggests that political placement and engagement with political news in traditional media are found to be linked to perceived polarization.

Triple Modular Redundancy (TMR) is a common reliability technique for mitigating single event upsets (SEUs) in FPGA designs operating in radiation environments. For FPGA systems that employ configuration scrubbing, majority voters are needed in all feedback paths to ensure proper synchronization between the TMR replicates. Synchronization voters, however, consume additional resources and impact system timing. This work introduces and contrasts seven algorithms for inserting synchronization voters while automatically performing TMR. The area cost and timing impact of each algorithm on a number of circuit benchmarks is reported. The work demonstrates that one of the algorithms provides the best overall timing performance results with an average 8.5% increase in critical path length over a triplicated design without voters and a 29.6% area increase. Another algorithm provides far better area results (an average 3.4% area increase over a triplicated design without voters) at a slightly higher timing cost (an average 14.9% increase in critical path length over a triplicated design without voters). In addition, this work demonstrates that restricting synchronization voter locations to flip-flop output nets is an effective heuristic for minimizing the timing performance impact of synchronization voter insertion.