With water scarcity becoming a more critical problem for the world, water disputes and their remediation are increasingly vital for nations today. In regions like the Middle East especially, one would not expect to see cooperation regarding resources looking at the state of affairs going on now. By discussing the Johnston Plan, a mediation process by an envoy of the U.S. between Israel and the Arab League, however, this paper describes how cooperation was achieved between states in the Jordan River basin regarding water usage. An in-depth analysis of cooperation and mediation aid in outlining how Johnston and the U.S. achieved a successful agreement for the region’s water development. Mediation, or third party intervention, is an elusive concept in literature, as it depends on the dimensions related to the conflict’s context, actors and mediator. Looking at the Johnston Plan, however, one discovers that Johnston achieved his de facto success due to the many components related to water disputes, the involved nations and the status of the United States.

: This study assesses how South Sudan’s 2011 vote for independence has influenced the Nile Basin’s debate over water rights. Although it initially seemed that South Sudan was aligning itself with the upstream riparian states such as Ethiopia and Uganda, effectively leaving Egypt and Sudan as the only opponents to a Cooperative Framework Agreement and redefining so-called ‘historic water rights’, the escalation of the South Sudanese internal conflict between President Salva Kiir and ex-Vice-President Riek Machar changed this situation entirely. The conflict has reached a new stalemate, with Egypt giving military support to Salva Kiir in his fight against Machar, thus befriending South Sudan and strengthening its position in the Nile Basin, and Ethiopia hesitating to offer support and effectively losing South Sudan as a newly found ally. Currently, a Cooperative Framework Agreement is farther away from being signed than it was before South Sudan’s conflict escalated: South Sudan is no longer in any position to sign or implement agreements and policies regarding water issues, which allowed Egypt to reassert its dominant position in the debate. This study foresees three different possible future scenarios: one of perpetuated violent conflict, one of political conflict and one of increased interstate political cooperation.

Theories of transboundary water politics have failed to explain the status quo in many river basins: fragile political relations between riparian states and nationalist domestic politics, as well as weak regional institutions and huge economic inefficiencies – but also an absence of wars over water. This is due to an uncritical approach to scale, power, and geopolitics. It is the purpose of this thesis to address these conceptual gaps by critically evaluating the multiple relationships between the logic of large dams and the politics of international rivers. The meaning of dams, the politics of their operation and construction, and their impact on international relations are much more ambiguous, opaque and complex than existing explanations have suggested so far. In turn, their logic influences, competes with, and contradicts the logic of river basin governance. Dams produce alternative spaces of development, energy, and state power that complement or are superimposed on existing spaces of riparian cooperation. This thesis argues that the contradictions between these spaces explains the geopolitical limbo of many international rivers in the developing world. Drawing from Foucault’s governmentality theory, the literature of critical geopolitics, and post-structural approaches to spatial scale the case-oriented research design of this thesis evaluates two geopolitical processes in contentious transboundary river basins: the construction of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam on the Nile and the operation of the Toktogul Dam in the Kyrgyz stretch of the Syr Darya River. By unpacking these processes, this thesis makes three substantial contributions to existing scholarship. Firstly, it is argued that regional river basin management is essentially a geopolitical project that contradicts the geo-economic imperatives of the dam. Secondly, power and agency in water politics is diffused far beyond the nation-state and can be understood in terms of “network effects”. Thirdly, to marry the concerns of the geopolitical and the geo-economic, I propose that the contrasting logics give rise to “geopolitical entrepreneurs” – actors who use geopolitics for wealth accumulation, legitimacy, nation-building, and other ends. While dams may provide power, wealth, and authority an allegorical Sword of Damocles is let down on the riparians.

Agriculture based livelihoods in arid and semi-arid areas encompass limited physical resources and evolving relationships between environment, population and the state. Northwest China encounters constant socio-economic changes, changing climate, agriculture and land practices and political relations that impact the social-ecological system. This thesis investigates how policy, environmental changes and local action interact with each other and affect the livelihoods and determine the environment in the Shiyang River Basin. Focusing on increasingly severe water crisis, environment degradation and endangered livelihoods that define arid and semi-arid environment, this thesis examines local people's perceptions of and interaction with their environment and water-related interventions in the Shiyang River Basin, a typical inland arid area in Northwest China. In 12-months fieldwork, mixed methods were used including semi-structured interviews, questionnaires, group discussions and participant observation. This research explicitly applying a socio-ecological system lens shows that people's perceptions of water crises can be highly divergent, regarding access to and control over local water resources and the roles of internal and external interventions. A wide range of factors result in uneven access to resources and inequitable consequences across space and even within local communities. In the Chinese contexts, personal experiences together with geographical factor, lands area and income levels have significant impacts on villagers' water perceptions. Political trust, social capital and collective action play a key role in the understanding, implementation processes and outcomes of government-enforced water reforms at local levels. This research is the first known study to use the tools of social analysis to examine water, society and the state interactions and their consequences on governance of the irrigation commons, local livelihoods and sustainability in rural China. It shows the everyday water struggle over water control, access and economic opportunities among different water stakeholders. Although a majority of population still depend on irrigated agriculture for their livelihoods, the future of agriculture in studied basin or in China generally is uncertain as farmers migrate, the population ages and next generations become better educated and migrate to the city. This thesis enables a new perspective on the global water management debate within a context where research has stresses the natural and technocratic approaches and creates new opportunities for more effective and appropriate governance of common pool resources. Interdisciplinary understanding regarding stakeholder perceptions, water resources management and environmental change are enriched. Potential barriers and solutions are transferable to other regions and countries where water crises are accelerating due to population growth, urbanization, industrialization, agriculture and economic development, climate change and other socio-political changes.

La Ley de Recursos Hídricos (No 29338) de 2009 transformó el marco normativo e institucional del sector hídrico en el Perú hacia un enfoque en la Gestión Integrada de Recursos Hídricos (GIRH). Este cambio fue significativo después de 40 años de vigencia de la ley anterior que priorizaba el uso agrícola del recurso hídrico. A través de un análisis del marco normativo actual y la institucionalidad existente combinado con una mirada a las relaciones históricas entre la burocracia hídrica del Estado y la sociedad peruana, este artículo argumenta que la institucionalidad del agua contemporánea refleja la persistencia de una cultura tecnocrática basada en la ingeniería y la manipulación y control de la naturaleza que predominaba al nivel global en el siglo 20. El trabajo muestra como la burocracia hídrica actual en el Perú ha consolidado su autoridad sobre el agua a través de la asimilación y desarrollo de una variante de la GIRH que prioriza el establecimiento de derechos formales al agua, el reconocimiento del valor económico del recurso hídrico, y un creciente enfoque en la eficiencia del uso del agua. / The 2009 Hydrologic Resources Law (Law 29338) shifted the legal and institutional framework in Peru’s water sector toward a focus on Integrated Water Resource Management (IWRM). This change formally ended the explicit prioritization of water for agricultural uses that had prevailed for four decades under the prior legal regime enacted during the nation’s agrarian reform. This article combines analysis of Peru’s current legal and institutional setting for water management with examination of the historical dynamics betweenthe state water bureaucracy and Peruvian society to argue that the existing arrangements for water governance reflect the enduring influence of an engineer-led technocracy rooted in the high-modernist approaches of the 20th century. The article illustrates how the state bureaucracy has consolidated centralized authority over the water sector through assimilation and adaptation of the IWRM paradigm and the development of a water regime that prioritizesthe formalization of water rights, recognition of the economic value of water, and water-use efficiency.

The aim of this study was to develop a framework that makes explicit some of the core norms and indicators of hydrosolidarity and to assess whether regional and basin-level multilateral water regimes in SADC are able to promote and apply the identified norms and indicators. This is a relevant aim given that water availability and provision is a challenge in this water scarce region. This is further complicated by the reality that transboundary water contains 68 percent of the area of the SADC region; it provides for 74 percent of the region’s people and constitutes 91 percent of the available surface water resources in the region. In a region where fresh water is both fundamentally scarce and shared, it becomes critical to best govern water so as to respond to the needs of water-related ecosystems which transcend political boundaries as well as the complex spectrum of social actors and forces that place demands on the resource. Hydrosolidarity is a concept that aims to respond to this challenge. The concept has not, however, been distilled into a framework for analysing the effectiveness of transboundary water governance. Also, International Relations (IR) has extensive scholarship on the closely related ideas of cooperation, regimes and international organisations. This literature has not, however, been systematically linked to a framework for analysing whether water regimes can deliver on the indicators of hydrosolidarity. This context gives rise to a core research question which focused on the extent to which SADC Water Sector (WS) (a regional water regime) and the Orange-Senqu River Basin 214 Commission (ORASECOM) (a basin level water regime) can foster hydrosolidarity in Southern Africa. The assumption and thesis statement is that water regimes in SADC offer a partial promotion of hydrosolidarity by developing cooperative institutional structures that allow for the development of norms and standards of behaviour, but are not able to create enhanced integration and linkages beyond the water sector or to deal with issues relating to holistic stakeholder participation. This research question is unpacked through four subquestions. The first question considers the extent to which hydrosolidarity contributes to an understanding of an ideal for transboundary water governance. The second analyses whether water regimes can foster hydrosolidarity. The third considers if regional and basinlevel water regimes exist in SADC, and if so, how they manifest. The last considers whether SADC WS and ORASECOM do actually foster hydrosolidarity in practise. The task of developing a theoretical framework for analysing hydrosolidarity in a transboundary context results in a set of norms and indicators being clarified. The norms of hydrosolidarity include cooperation and solidarity, equity, inclusivity, promotion of human well-being and environmental sustainability around transboundary waters. Linked to these norms are a set of indicators that can be used to identify and work towards hydrosolidarity. These include striving for shared knowledge about transboundary rivers, enhanced integration and linkages between relevant actors, issue areas and governance structures, organisational structures for fostering transboundary water governance, stakeholder involvement in transboundary water governance processes, and development of a normative framework for transboundary water governance. These norms and indicators are also systematically linked to the characteristics and functions of multilateral water regimes. When applying this framework to the two case study areas, it emerges that SADC WS and ORASECOM can only partially foster and promote the norms and indicators of hydrosolidarity in SADC. Whilst all the norms and indicators are present in the agreements and practices of the regimes, there are certain limitations to the extent to which the norms and indicators can be entrenched. There are three main reasons for this. Firstly, the regimes are confronted with various capacity constraints. Secondly, the regimes have a limited advisory and technical mandate, meaning that they cannot enforce their recommendations or actually implement anything in the domestic jurisdiction of member states without express permission. Thirdly, the regime structure itself is limited by its theoretical assumptions which emphasise the authority of states, the importance of state sovereignty and the importance of a Western-centric, positivist type of scientific knowledge as being the most authoritative statements of truth with which to guide policy. In order to fully achieve hydrosolidarity, a more complex set of actors needs to work in collaboration with these water regimes. These other actors include national governments, pre-existing bilateral arrangements in the basin, non-state actors and civil society. The theoretical contribution of this dissertation from a water perspective is a clarification of the norms and indicators of hydrosolidarity. From an IR perspective, it illustrates how important a multi-theoretical lens is when analysing complex problems, as it helps to elucidate the strengths and weaknesses of a variety of individual theoretical stances. The practical contribution of this dissertation is to provide a clearer understanding of the capacity of water regimes to deliver on the outlined norms and indicators of hydrosolidarity. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2014. / gm2014 / Political Sciences / unrestricted

This study focuses on the transnational role and involvement of interest groups in the water politics of two Southern African international river basins – the Kunene and Orange Rivers. The thesis is in part based on the theory of social constructivism, with the purpose of investigating the extent to which the collective transnational activities of interest groups, regarding the implementation of WRMPs in selected Southern African international rivers, lead to the undermining of the acceptance of the actions and policies that are authorised at the state level of world politics. Two case studies were analysed namely the proposed Epupa Dam and the Lesotho Highlands Water Project (LHWP). Regarding the problem statements and the chosen theoretical approach, a number of findings were made. Firstly, interest groups posed a substantial challenge to the national and international ‘agential power’ of the states., although the erosion of the policies initiated at the state level differed in respect of the two cases. In the Kunene River basin, the interest groups have moderate international ‘agential power’ and moderate to high domestic ‘agential power’. Namibia’s international and domestic ‘agential power’ is substantially lower than that of the interest groups, mainly on account Angola opposing plans for a dam at Epupa. In the Orange River basin, the interest groups have high domestic ‘agential power’, especially the Lesotho interest groups, and moderate international ‘agential power’. The reason for the high domestic ‘agential power’ of the Lesotho-based interest groups is Lesotho’s reflexive ‘agential power’. This reflexivity is a direct consequence of Lesotho’s changing identity from a politically unstable to stable state. South Africa’s international and domestic ‘agential power’ is higher than that of the interest groups, mainly because the South African government went ahead with plans to construct the LHWP in an era where there was little opposition to the project. Since there was no interest group involvement during the planning phase of the LHWP from 1956 to 1986, there was no interest group challenge of the LHWP. Also, the interest groups could not effectively challenge the economic power of South Africa. Furthermore, the ANC changed its stance from being anti-LHWP in the 1980s to pro-LHWP when it became the ruling party. This meant that the Project was backed by the ruling party’s ideological power. Thus, it was concluded that interest groups had a significant role and influence on the water politics regarding the WRMPs in the international river basins of Southern Africa. The thesis contributes to the body of research on water politics in a number of ways. First, the study contributes to an understanding of the reasons why interest groups are transnationally involved in water politics and of the roles they play in this process. Second, a theory of water politics (hydro-normative commensalism) was developed, that primarily focuses on the role of norms in water politics. Third, a new definition of water politics was developed, stating that water (hydro-) politics is the transnational interaction, through norm creation and utilisation, between a plethora of non-state and state actors, varying from individuals to collectivities, regarding the allocation and use of, and perception towards domestic and international water resources. The relationship between the state and interest groups is increasingly transnational because of a diminishing capacity of the state to insulate itself from the influences of non-state actors regarding the implementation of policies. / Thesis (DPhil (International Politics))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

The aim of the study emanates from the research question: Is the incorporation of the integrated water resource management (IWRM) approach in South Africa’s water policy, from a political point of view, appropriate? The IWRM approach, as applied to developing countries, originated in developed countries with predominantly homogeneous societies where there is a broad commitment to democratic principles, the free market system and individualism. Societies in developing countries do not necessarily share the same characteristics associated with those in developed countries. South Africa, classified as a developing country, has a multicultural society that reflects an income disparity and two major cultures, namely a modernised Western and a traditional African culture. As a result two subsidiary research questions follow: Can the commitment and impartiality of all the stakeholders that partake in the decision-making processes of water institutions at all levels be ensured? Is it possible to establish small, efficient and financially viable bureaucratic structures (water institutions) at the level of water management areas (WMA)? The study uses the public choice theory to assess the IWRM approach in selected developed and developing countries. The applicability of public choice concepts with reference to the differences between Western and African cultures are briefly alluded to. It also defines the IWRM approach and certain IWRM elements that have political implications for society at large. The study describes specific elements of the IWRM approach in France and Australia and the relative successes thereof in terms of the public choice theory. The implementation of the IWRM approach in Indochina and selective developing countries in Sub-Saharan Africa are described to highlight certain institutional problems, inadequate financial resources, the lack of capacity and various cultural aspects that inhibit the efficiency and effectiveness of the IWRM approach. In the analysis of South Africa’s water policy, the study found that the multicultural nature of society, the unequal levels of economic development and the limited level of technological and scientific knowledge, will make it extremely difficult to implement the IWRM approach without contextualising it. According to the public choice theory, the net benefits of a policy for a society must outweigh the costs. If not, the policy needs to be either adjusted or abandoned. Since none of the proposed catchment management agencies (CMA) were established between 1998 and 2001, it is not possible to come to a verifiable conclusion. However, the study indicates that the opportunity costs of the IWRM approach are likely to outweigh the benefits for society. Other aspects that necessitate a re-evaluation of South Africa’s water policy are the holistic element of the IWRM approach and the demarcation of WMAs. The study identifies three options: The first option is to revert back to the riparian principle. The second option is to either revisit the concept of public participation, or to re-delineate the WMAs. The third and most favourable option is to abandon the concept of public participation. It would not only negate the need for CMAs (and indirectly WMAs), but would also greatly simplify the management of water resources. / Dissertation (M (Political and Policy Studies))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

No description available.

Im Jahre 1954 verkündete Indiens erster Premierminister Jawaharlal Nehru, dass Staudämme die “Tempel des modernen Indiens” seien. Ausgehend von der These, dass dieser Aussage eine „developmental imagination“ zugrunde liegt, die bis heute ein auffälliges Merkmal vieler Diskurse zu Großprojekten in Indien ist, und dass die Medien eine wichtige Rolle darin spielen, diese Diskurse zu zeichnen, betrachtet die Dissertation die Frage, wie große Wasserinfrastrukturprojekte in der indischen Medienlandschaft dargestellt werden. Um diese Frage zu beantworten, wird in der Dissertation eine Medienanalyse durchgeführt, bei welcher die Berichterstattung zum Indischen River Linking Projekt (NRLP) und zu zwei Vorhaben, die im Rahmen des NRLP stattfinden (Ken-Betwa und Polavaram), im Fokus stehen. Das 168-Milliarden Dollar teure NRLP Projekt ist das weltweit größte sich im Bau befindliche Wasserprojekt und sieht den Bau vieler Staudämme und Verbindungskanäle vor. Kontrovers debattiert wird das NRLP insbesondere in Bezug auf die hohen ökologischen und sozialen Kosten: Nach einer historischen Einbettung des Themas wird die Medienanalyse anhand einer Auswahl an Zeitungs- und Zeitschriftenartikeln aus dem Zeitraum 2000 bis 2016 durchgeführt. Darüber hinaus beinhaltet die Arbeit ein Kapitel, welches sich auf Feldforschung im Polavaram Staudammgebiet bezieht, um Perspektiven, die ansonsten in Mediendiskursen häufig marginalisiert werden, aufzuzeigen; die der von Umsiedelung betroffenen Communities. Die Dissertation zeigt das Kontinuum der „developmental imaginations“ in Indiens Diskursen zu großen Infrastrukturprojekten auf, weist auf die Machthierarchien hin, die ausschlaggebend dafür sind, wem die Möglichkeit zukommt sich überhaupt an Diskursen zu beteiligen, und hebt politische Narrative hervor, die in dem Kontext eine starke Verbindung zu „Nationbuilding“ oder „Statebuilding“ Diskursen aufweisen. / In 1954 India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru proclaimed dams to be the “temples of modern India”. Based on the theses that this “developmental imagination” so visible in Nehru’s statement continues to be a prominent feature in discourses on large scale infrastructure projects in India until today, and that the media plays an important role in shaping these public discourses, the dissertation considers the question of how large scale water infrastructure schemes are covered within the Indian media landscape. To answer that question, a media analysis is conducted which focuses on the reporting on the Indian National River Linking Project (NRLP) and on two schemes being implemented under the NRLP: The Ken-Betwa and the Polavaram Dam Projects. The 168-billion-dollar NRLP project is the world’s largest water project in the making and includes the construction of several dams. It is designed to connect the majority of Indian rivers to a gigantic water grid. It is controversially debated, especially with regard of ecological and social costs. After a historical embedding of the topic, the media analysis is conducted through a choice of magazines and newspapers in a time period from 2000 until 2016. Furthermore, the dissertation incorporates a chapter based on field work in the Polavaram Dam area in order to shed light on perspectives often marginalised in the media discourses: those of the affected communities. The dissertation reveals the continuum of developmental imaginations in the discourses on India’s large scale infrastructure projects until today, points out how power hierarchies are at work with regard to who is able to participate in the discourses and who is not, and highlights narratives closely linked to ideas of nation- or statebuilding that are used by politicians within the media discourses.