Mediante o cotejo interdisciplinar entre a crítica historiográfica, a análise fílmica e a interpretação psicanalítica nas linhas freudiana e lacaniana, essa pesquisa investigou quatro obras cinematográficas comissionadas pelo governo nazista durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial com a finalidade de promoção de suas políticas raciais e de gênero: Jud Süß (1940), Die große Liebe (1942), Münchhausen (1943) e Titanic (1943). A partir dessas produções, o estudo perscrutou os sistemas de justaposição de fantasias socialmente partilhadas aos denominadores ideológicos do nacional-socialismo. Identificou, igualmente, os processos de negociação entre as instâncias da indústria cultural e as agências governamentais para alinhar o desejo e a doutrina na forma flutuante da fantasia cinematográfica. / Making use of instruments pertaining to the domain of historical criticism, filmic analysis and psychoanalytic theory under Freudian and Lacanian guidelines, this research investigated four cinematographic works commissioned by the Nazi government during World War II aimed to promoting its racial and gender policies: Jud Süß (1940), Die große Liebe (1942), Münchhausen (1943) and Titanic (1943). Through these films, the analysis examined the systems of juxtaposition between socially shared fantasies and the ideological denominators of National Socialism. The research identified also the schemes of negotiation between instances of cultural industry and government agencies in order to align desire and doctrine in the floating form of film fantasy.

La diversité des affrontements qui ont touchés la Moselle et la singularité historique de ce département y ont rendu difficile la construction d’une mémoire collective des conflits. Les associations mosellanes d’anciens combattants sont aujourd’hui à un tournant de leur histoire. Leur étude permet d’établir leurs rôles et permet de voir comment a évolué leur force, non seulement au sein du milieu militaire, mais aussi dans le monde civil. Nous avons abordé l’évolution de la place et du pouvoir de ces associations, envisagées dans leur grande diversité et nous nous sommes demandé quelles sont la ou les organisations spatiales et hiérarchiques, ainsi que le contenu de leur discours. Ces travaux s’articulent donc autour de l’histoire militaire, sociale et orale. L’analyse de plusieurs associations spécifiques et notamment la plus connue d’entre elles, celle des Malgré-Nous et Réfractaires, permet d’établir une typologie générale de ces structures. Si cette thèse établit des conclusions sur les associations de Moselle, elle apporte surtout une grille de lecture pour des travaux similaires appliqués à d’autres départements. / The diversity of the conflicts that affected the Moselle region and the historical uniqueness of this départment made difficult to form a collective memory on modern conflicts. Moselle’s War veterans organisations are now at a turning point in their history. The study of these associations provides us insight into the role they have played hitherto and how they have evolved within the military environment and the civilian world. We have addressed the evolution of the place and the influence of these associations, seen in their great diversity and we investigated the different spatial and hierarchical organizations, as well as the contents of their speechs. This work therefore revolve around the military, social and oral history. This analysis of several specific associations, including the most known of them, Malgré-Nous et Réfractaires, allows to establish a general typology of these structures. If this thesis establishes conclusions regarding the associations of Moselle, it mainly provides an analytical framework for similar works applied to other départments.

La Lettonie est l’un des derniers pays indépendants à avoir été rattachés à l’Union soviétique. Elle n’est annexée qu’en 1940 – en conséquence de la définition des « sphères d’intérêts » soviétiques issue du Pacte Ribbentrop-Molotov, tout autant que de la menaçante puissante allemande en Europe. Elle connaît une soviétisation originale, contrastée, violente, profondément liée aux circonstances de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. L’invasion, puis l’occupation allemande interviennent un an à peine après l’annexion. La vision d’une collaboration de masse, les potentiels de résistance décuplés par le conflit, l’ampleur de la Shoah aussi sont autant de facteurs bouleversant considérablement le processus d’uniformisation avec le reste de l’URSS. En 1944, l’Armée rouge reconquiert une république qui lui est profondément hostile. Parallèlement, durant la guerre, l’URSS a formé les futurs cadres de la république restaurée.De 1939 à 1949, le processus d’homogénéisation se dissout dans une éternelle guerre et sortie de guerre, marquée notamment par la guérilla antisoviétique, et les mesures d’abord tâtonnantes, puis radicales prises par le régime stalinien. Ma thèse suit un cadre chronologique, afin de cerner les ruptures et les tragédies qui marquent l’espace et ses populations. Mais certaines continuités se dégagent, malgré les immenses fractures temporelles, rapides et incessantes de cette époque. A travers la mobilité institutionnelle et humaine, en croisant histoire politique et histoire sociale, étude de l’administration, de la répression et des mouvements de population, se dégage la singularité d’une république « occidentale » de l’Union. / Latvia was one of the last independent countries to be forcibly become a “Soviet Republic”. It was annexed only in 1940, as a consequence of the secret protocols of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, as well as the growing German threat in Europe. The sovietization that occurred afterwards was uncommon and violent. The German invasion and occupation of Latvia occurred a year after the annexation. During the war, the Soviet leaders elaborated an image of a “rebel” territory (because of the collaboration with the German occupiers, the Holocaust, and the growing anti-Soviet resistance movement). In 1944, the Red Army recovered an hostile and quite illegitimate republic. As the same time, most of the future leaders of the Soviet Latvian republic had been formed in non-occupied Russia.From 1939 to 1949, the homogenization process came along with a never-ending war and “aftermath of war”. This period was particularly characterized by the anti-Soviet guerilla, and by the changing Soviet politics towards “a new territory” (from hesitation to radicalization). The PhD dissertation follows the chronological frames of those changes, in order to insist on the huge breaks and tragedies that reached the territory and its people. Thanks to the analysis of the institutional and human motilities, thanks to the methods of both political and social history, I focus on three main dimensions: the constant turn-over in the “cadres” of the Republic, the specificities of the Stalinist repression, and the population displacements. Those aspects draw the peculiarities of the “Soviet Western borderland”.

Du lendemain des accords de Munich de septembre 1938 à l’armistice franco-allemand de juin 1940, les gouvernements français ont tenté à plusieurs reprises d’ouvrir au sud-est de l’Europe un front d’Orient contre l’Allemagne et ses alliés (y compris l’URSS). Pendant vingt mois, Paris a ainsi caressé des projets tels qu’un débarquement à Salonique, l’occupation du Dodécanèse et d’autres îles en mer Egée, l’obstruction du Danube ou le bombardement des installations pétrolières du Caucase et voulut y associer le Royaume-Uni, la Turquie, la Grèce et les autres Etats balkaniques. Fondée sur des sources françaises, britanniques, grecques et turques, cette thèse perçoit ces projets comme une réminiscence idéalisée du front d’orient de la Grande Guerre et examine leur échec à la lumière de l’extrême complexité et fluidité des rapports de force entre petites et grandes puissances dans les Balkans. / From the aftermath of the Munich agreements in September 1938 until the Franco-German armistice of June 1940, the French governments have repeatedly tried to open an oriental front in South-Eastern Europe against Germany and its allies (USSR included). During these twenty months, Paris has thus initiated projects as a landing at Salonika, the occupation of the Dodecanese and other islands in the Aegean Sea, the blockage of the Danube or the bombing of the Caucasus oil installations, and tried to associate to these plans the United Kingdom, Turkey, Greece and the other Balkan states. Based on French, British, Greek and Turkish sources, this thesis perceives these projects as the result of an idealized remembrance of the Eastern Front of World War I, and considers their failure in the light of the extreme complexity and fluidity of the power struggle among the great and the small powers in the Balkans.

A presente dissertação analisa dois filmes norte-americanos produzidos e distribuídos pelo estúdio Warner Bros., ambos baseados em histórias reais, que de distintas formas representaram, seja de forma idealista ou condenatória, a União Soviética, o Comunismo e os membros do Partido Comunista dos Estados Unidos (CPUSA). O primeiro, Missão em Moscou, dirigido pelo já renomado Michael Curtiz e lançado no contexto da Segunda Guerra Mundial, apresenta evidências de ter sido feito sob a tutela tanto da agência governamental Birô do Cinema- Secretaria de Informação da Guerra quanto do presidente dos Estados Unidos à época, Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Pela forma como interpretou fatos da história da Rússia e por sua campanha do país como membro dos países Aliados, o filme recebeu a denominação de pró-soviético pela literatura que o estudou. Já o segundo, Eu Fui um Comunista para o FBI, lançado apenas oito anos após Missão em Moscou, mas já no contexto da Guerra Fria, evidenciou, por outro lado, a tentativa da companhia cinematográfica em se alinhar à atmosfera de repúdio ao Comunismo reinante em boa parte da opinião pública norte-americana no período, bem como de tentar afastar as acusações do Comitê de Atividade Antiamericanas (HUAC) da presença dentro de Hollywood de elementos subversivos e de sua propaganda. Por sua representação, filmes como Eu Fui um Comunista para o FBI, recorrentes na década de 1950, foram denominados anticomunistas. O estudo aqui empreendido inicia-se com a caracterização da indústria cinematográfica em Hollywood na época de sua chamada Era Clássica (1930- 1948), primeiro capítulo; passando pelas análises fílmicas e de contexto de ambas as obras, resultando no capítulo dois e três; para encerrar-se, no último capítulo, com as considerações sobre a recepção das duas obras, levando para isso em conta as produções de significado de três agentes: os críticos cinematográficos; o seu público espectador, e os seus números de bilheteria. Por fim, nas considerações finais, colocamos em comparação a obra pró-soviética e anticomunista no tocante às suas diferenças, bem como similitudes, nas estratégias para a representação das personagens envolvidas em suas tramas. / This thesis analyses two American movies produced and distributed by Warner Bros. Studios. Both are based on true stories, that used different depictions, one in an idealized way and the other condemnatory, of the Soviet Union, of the Communism and of the members of the Communist Party of the United States. The first film, Mission to Moscow, directed by Michael Curtiz and released in the context of World War II, presents evidence that it was fostered by the governmental war agency, the Bureau of Motion Pictures Office of War Information and by the president of the United States himself at that time, Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Due to its interpretation of recent facts in Russian history and because of its propagandistic campaign to generate a better understanding of this country among Americans, historians and film theorists have classified the picture as pro-Soviet. The second movie, I Was a Communist for the FBI, whose premiere occurred only eight years after Mission to Moscow, showed, on the other hand, Warner Bros. attempt to realign itself to the atmosphere of anticommunism perpetrated by the majority of American public opinion and also to deny any accusation that the motion picture industry was full of subversive elements and their propaganda. When considered for its representation and depiction of Communism, movies like I Was a Communist for the FBI, very common in the 1950s, was denominated anticommunist. We divided this work into four parts. We start in the first chapter by exploring the motion picture industry in Hollywood during what was called the Golden Age (1930 1948). Then, we move to the film analyses of both pictures, the content of chapters two and three; in chapter four we study the reception of the two feature films, using as elements of measure the productions of meaning of three different agents: the critics, the spectator and the box-office numbers. Finally, in Conclusions, we compare Mission to Moscow and I Was a Communist for the FBI, aiming to observe them in the light of their differences but also of their similarities in the strategies used for the representation of the characters in the stories.

A Alemanha iniciou o século XX com uma posição influente na comunidade científica mundial, o que é evidenciado na quantidade de Prêmios Nobel e nas descobertas realizadas no país, por alemães e estrangeiros que fizeram carreira por lá. Esse estado de coisas poderia ter mudado após o final da Primeira Guerra Mundial, quando a fragilidade da Alemanha era evidente, agravada pelas duras condições impostas pelos Aliados. Porém, o período conhecido como República de Weimar conheceu uma grande produção em vários campos, com destaque para a Física, que continuou a sua trajetória ascendente. A ascensão dos Nacional-Socialistas, em 1933, foi responsável por uma grande involução do papel alemão no cenário científico mundial desde o primeiro ano de seu governo, por meio de demissões, perseguições e outros atos. O início da Segunda Guerra Mundial magnificou esse estado de coisas. Em meio a tudo isso, é iniciado um Projeto Atômico, com o objetivo de construir uma arma de destruição em massa de alcance quase inimaginável. O Projeto não desenvolve tal arma a tempo de ser utilizada durante a guerra, mas a Alemanha desenvolve uma tradição sólida nas áreas da ciência e tecnologia nuclear. / Germany started the 21st century at a privileged status in the world science community, what is proven in the amount of Nobel Prizes and discoveries carried out in the country, by Germans and foreigners who pursued their careers there. Such state of things could have changed after the end of World War I, when Germany´s weakness was evident, increased by the harsh conditions imposed by the Allies. Nevertheless, the period known as Weimar´s Republic faced a great production in various fields, including Physics, which kept its ascending trajectory. The National-Socialists seizure of power, in 1933, was responsible for a major involution of the German status in the world science scenario from the first year of their government, by means of dismissals, harassment and other actions. The start of World War II magnified this situation. Amidst all that, an Atomic Project began, aimed at building a mass destruction weapon of an almost unthinkable reach. The Project does not develop the weapon in time to be used during the war, but Germany develops a solid tradition in the fields of Nuclear Science and Technology.

António de Oliveira Salazar foi a figura central do Estado Novo português (1933-1974), responsável pelo estabelecimento de um governo antidemocrático, autoritário, que fez uso da censura, promoveu a tortura, e criou órgãos que disseminavam os valores do regime, tais como o SPN (Secretariado da Propaganda Nacional). Podemos dizer que a atuação da propaganda foi tão eficiente durante os longos anos de ditadura que não é incomum, nos dias atuais, encontrar parcelas da população portuguesa que reproduzem vários mitos criados ou disseminados durante o governo de Salazar, chegando mesmo a enaltecer a figura do ditador. Para uma melhor compreensão desse contexto, nosso objetivo é analisar o documentário Fantasia Lusitana (2010), de João Canijo (Porto, 1957), pois nele o realizador desconstrói a propaganda salazarista, produzida, sobretudo, durante o período da Segunda Guerra Mundial (1939-1945). Composto exclusivamente por material de arquivo, o documentário conjuga excertos de filmes, noticiários, canções, fotografias, documentos, jornais e revistas, produzidos ou chancelados pela SPAC (Sociedade Portuguesa de Actualidades Cinematográficas), bem como material de fontes independentes ou externas, portanto, não submetido ao crivo da censura. Neste segundo bloco, destacamos o registro fotográfico de refugiados estrangeiros que utilizaram Lisboa como rota de fuga da perseguição nazista, uma vez que Portugal havia adotado o status de neutralidade durante a guerra. Entretanto, o contraponto ao discurso oficial promovido pelo governo ditatorial se dá principalmente através das anotações de Alfred Döblin, Erika Mann e Antoine de Saint-Exupéry, três intelectuais famosos que, por meio de um olhar crítico e isento da influência da propaganda, registraram suas impressões sobre o Portugal salazarista enquanto fugiam da guerra. O contraste entre essas duas realidades se dá, sobretudo, por meio da criteriosa montagem em Fantasia Lusitana, capaz de transportar o espectador, muitas vezes de forma inesperada, tanto para o fantasioso mundo português criado pela propaganda estatal, quanto para a dura realidade imposta às vítimas e aos refugiados da guerra. / António de Oliveira Salazar was the central figure of the Portuguese Estado Novo (1933-1974), being responsible for the establishment of an antidemocratic, authoritarian government which used censorship, promoted torture, and created organs that disseminated the values of the regime, such as the SPN (Secretariado da Propaganda Nacional). We can say that the role of the propaganda was so efficient during the long years of dictatorship that nowadays it is not uncommon to find segments of the Portuguese population that reproduce various myths created or disseminated during Salazar\'s government, even exalting the figure of the dictator. For a better understanding of this context, our aim is to analyze the documentary Fantasia Lusitana (2010), by João Canijo (Oporto, 1957), whereupon the movie director deconstructs the Salazarist propaganda, which was produced especially during the period of World War II (1939-1945). Composed exclusively of material from archives, the documentary combines excerpts from films, news, songs, photographs, documents, newspapers and magazines, produced or endorsed by the SPAC (Sociedade Portuguesa de Actualidades Cinematográficas), as well as material from independent or external sources, therefore, not subjected to censorship. In this second group, we highlight the photographic record of foreign refugees who used Lisbon as an escape route from the Nazi persecution, since Portugal had adopted the status of neutrality during the war. However, the counterpoint to the official discourse promoted by the dictatorial government comes mainly from the memoirs written by Alfred Döblin, Erika Mann and Antoine de Saint-Exupéry, three famous intellectuals who, through a critical view and, free from the influence of the propaganda, recorded their impressions on Salazarist Portugal while they fled from the war. The contrast between these two realities comes mainly through the careful editing in Fantasia Lusitana, capable of transporting the spectator, often unexpectedly, both to the fanciful Portuguese world created by the State propaganda and to the harsh reality imposed on the war victims and refugees.

The Enigma code was one of the most dangerous and effective weapons the Germans wielded at the outbreak of the Second World War. The Enigma machine was capable of encrypting radio messages that seemed virtually unbreakable. In fact, there were 158,900, 000,000,000 possible combinations in any given message transmitted. On the eve of the war’s outbreak, the British had recently learned that the Poles had made significant progress against this intimidating cipher in the early 1930s. Incensed and with little help, the British Government Code & Cipher School began the war searching for a solution. Drawing from their experiences from the First World War, and under the visionary guidance of Alan Turing, Gordon Welchman, and countless others, the British created a new, mechanical approach to breaking the seemingly impossible German code. By breaking the code, they could very well save Britain.

Dilemma -- Decision -- Onslaught -- Whirlwind -- Reckoning -- All or nothing -- Total war -- Scorched earth -- Disintegration -- Death throes. On June 22, 1941, Germany launched the greatest land assault in history on the Soviet Union, an attack that Adolf Hitler deemed crucial to ensure German economic and political survival. As the key theater of the war for the Germans, the eastern front consumed enormous levels of resources and accounted for 75 percent of all German casualties. Despite the significance of this campaign to Germany and to the war as a whole, few English-language publications of the last thirty-five years have addressed these pivotal events. In Ostkrieg: Hitler's War of Extermination in the East, Stephen G. Fritz bridges the gap in scholarship by incorporating historical research from the last several decades into an accessible, comprehensive, and coherent narrative. His analysis of the Russo-German War from a German perspective covers all aspects of the eastern front, demonstrating the interrelation of military events, economic policy, resource exploitation, and racial policy that first motivated the invasion. This in-depth account challenges accepted notions about World War II and promotes greater understanding of a topic that has been neglected by historians. / https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/1007/thumbnail.jpg

Located outside of Alexandria, Louisiana, Camp Claiborne was temporarily home to more than 500,000 U.S. servicemen and women during its short existence. Thousands of German prisoners of war also were held for more than two years in a section of the camp. Racial problems stemming from the policies of Jim Crow South and the blatant inequality eventually led to an African American mutiny within the camp. The events from 1944 to 1946 at Camp Claiborne provide insight into the mindsets of white Southerners and the generation of African Americans who would influence the major civil rights victories in the following decades.