本文主要是從音韻,句法,語義及言談分析四部門的介面關係來探討閩南副詞的各種變調現象.副詞的句法及語義修飾功能可能影響閩南語重疊副詞的變調行為.當重疊副詞的句法與語義功能呈現差異時.它則單獨形成一個音韻片語.副詞內在的語義特性與閩南語一般副詞的變調有密切的關連.副詞可以是副語修飾語或句子修飾語.述語修飾語在語義上修飾述語或述語內的成份,因此與述語共同形成一個音韻片語;句子修飾語在語義上修飾主詞,句子或說話者,其必須單獨形成一個音韻片語.最後,我們從言談分析的角度重新分析閩南語的副詞.訊息結構中的焦點,主題及評論等結構會促成副詞音韻片語的重組.當副詞構成整個主題或評論時,它必須單獨形成一個獨立片語 / This thesis explores the adverbial phrasings in Southern Min from the interface among phonology, syntax, semantics, and discourse. The syntactic andsemantic modification functions of the adverbs may affect the tonal phrasings of there duplicated adverbs in this language. When an adverb shows a syntax-semanticmismatch, it would form a separate phonological phrase. The intrinsic semanticproperties of the adverbs are crucial to tonal phrasings of the general adverbsSouthern Min. An adverb may serve as a predicate modifier, a sentence modifier, or both. A predicate modifier joins with the predicate to form aphonological phrase;a sentence modifier forms a separate phonological phrase.Finally, we reanalyzethe adverbs in question from the viewpoint of discourse information structure. An adverb which is a focus, topic, domains. Specifically,a topic or commentcoincides with the phonological phrase.

本論文旨在探討閩南語的三種變調: (1)形容詞重疊變調 , (2) -a後綴變調,和 (3) 輕聲變調. 形容詞重疊變調是在 McCarthy & Prince (1986, 1990) 等人所發展出來的韻律構詞學( Prosodic Morphology) 理論框架下重新分析. 作者認為形容詞三疊是由抑揚格音步前綴而來, 而不是江文瑜教授(1992)所說的音節後綴; 此外,聲調扮演了構詞功能的角色. -a 後綴變調則是運用字構音韻學( Lexical Phonology)理論來分析的. 根據黃宣範教授(1988) 和連金發先生(1995)對-a後綴構詞特性的分類, 作者將-a後綴重新分為六類. 再觀察它們與音韻規則的互動關係, 主張-a後綴構應分屬於三個字構層次中, 此理論的層級排列( Level Ordering) 和嚴格循環論( Strict Cyclicity)也在本章獲得證實. 輕聲變調是採用韻律音韻學(Prosodic Phonology) 來分析的. 作者認為輕聲有兩個規律: 浮游低調展延和原調展延, 且運作於一個(強起)( left-leaded)的音韻片語中, 如此一來,簡化了煩雜的青聲句法結構. 兩個輕聲規律的不同展現於展延節點,方向,屬性,音節數目等方面. 本章的分析技巧也支持了韻律體係在語言系統中的必要性 / This thesis explores three kinds of special tone sandhi in Southern Min: (i) reduplicated adjective tone sandhi, (ii) -a suffix tone sandhi, and (iii)neutral tone sandhi. Reduplicated adjective tone sandhi is analyzed within the framework of prosodic morphology (McCarthy and Prince 1986, 1990). Unlike Chiang's (1992)suffix syllable template, the author argues that AAA is reduplicated by theprefixation of an iambic template.Following Yip (1980), tone may play a morphological role. -a suffix is discussed from the perspective of lehor argues that AAxical phonology. According to the morphological functions figured from Lien (1995) and Huang (1988), six categories of the suffix -a are distinguished. Through the interactions of morphological and phonological rules, the concepts of levelordering and strict cyclicity in lexical phonology are proved necessary in this language. Neutral tone sandhi is investigated in terms of prosodic phonology. Theauthor argues that the domain of neutral tone sandhi is a left-headed phonological phrase, which is more economical than previous syntactic approaches (Cheng 1968; Hong 1995). There are two neutral tone rules: thefloting low tone spreading and the base tone spreading. They are differentin spreading node, direction, order and so on. The analysis supports Yip'stwo-tiered tonal geometry andcallsfor the need of prosodic Hierachy in thelinguistic system.

本文以優選理論的觀點分析美濃客語的陰平變調。討論可分為兩部分，首先，針對於變調的範疇，文章從句法與音韻的介面關係探討陰平變調的範疇，結果顯示陰平變調是以語調詞組(Intonational Phrase)作為變調的範疇，而這也為韻律結構的存在提供了證據。語調詞組的形成與感知單位(Sense Unit Condition)和重組(Restructuring)有密切的關係。另外，也探討了語調詞組中的特殊結構，發現語料支持Nespor & Vogel (1986)的假設，即特殊結構可以先形成一個獨立的語調詞組。 探討完變調範疇之後，將以優選理論進行分析。本文提出兩組制約:聲調制約和韻律制約。聲調制約著重在解釋變調的運作，而韻律制約則負責解釋變調範疇的劃分，這兩組制約不僅能解釋一般句子的變調，亦能對特殊結構的變調現象予以充分的說明。針對於變讀的情形，本文以並存音韻理論(Cophonology Theory)來作解釋，藉由*IP和ALIGN-R (Non-adjunct XP, IP)兩個制約的重新排序，得到變調與不變調兩種讀法的範疇的劃分。 / This thesis is aimed at analyzing Yinping tone sandhi in Meinong Hakka from the perspective of Optimality Theory. The discussion is divided into two parts. First, this thesis explores the tonal domain in terms of the interface of syntax and phonology. The analysis indicates that the tonal domain is founded on an intonational phrase. The formation of an intonational phrase is based on the Sense Unit Condition (Selkirk, 1984) and is closely related to restructuring (Nespor and Vogel, 1986). The special constructions of IPs are also investigated. The data supports the hypothesis proposed by Nespor and Vogel (1986), namely, that these special constructions have the privilege to form an isolated intonational phrase. Secondly, Optimality Theory is adopted to analyze the data after exploring the tonal domain. Two set of constraints are proposed in this thesis. One is that of tonal constraints, which are mainly concerned with the processing of tone sandhi. The other is that of prosodic constraints, which are responsible for explaining the delimitation of the tonal domains of the data. The two sets of constraints can be used to account for the operation of the sandhi phenomena in ordinary sentences and also in special constructions. The alternative readings are explained by means of the re-ranking of *IP and ALIGN-R (Non-adjunct XP, IP) from the perspective of Cophonology Theory.

本論文以優選理論探討上海話之入聲變調，試圖將文獻中所認為表現不規律之入聲變調納入與舒聲變調相容之分析中。本研究認為入聲變調與舒聲變調皆受制於ANCHOR-L(tσ1, Hd)，因此其首音節之基底聲調在輸出值中皆出現於重讀音節。以此觀之，則入聲變調與舒聲變調的差異主要在於節律重音的位置：在舒聲變調中首音節重讀；在入聲變調中重音則後移──在陰入變調中係移至第二音節，在陽入變調中則移至末音節。 本論文提出兩點假設：上海話中舒聲音節為重量音節，入聲音節為輕量音節；節律結構基本上為一位於左端之雙音節音步。據此，本研究提出COINCIDE (LightHd, FT-final)，認為陰入變調中重音所以後移至第二音節是因為重讀之輕量音節傾向於由音步末音節核可(licensing)。另一方面，由於陽入的單字調為曲拱調，與陰入的水平調有別，是以本研究另外提出COINCIDE(Contour, PrWd-final)，此制約顯示陽入變調中重音的遠距移位是為了遵行「曲拱調須由末音節核可」之普遍現象。 綜述之，本論文提供了一個重量音節、節律重音、曲拱調以及邊際位置等韻律顯著位置間彼此對映的實例。此外，本研究亦顯示上海話的連讀變調涉及聲調與重音的互動，是以所提出之分析或許對相關類型之研究亦有所貢獻。 / This thesis offers an Optimality-theory approach to the tone sandhi of checked tones (TSC) in Shanghai, in an attempt to regulate its surface patterns which have long been considered anomaly as opposed to the tone sandhi of smooth tones (TSS). With a reanalysis in the present study, TSC and TSS arguably have in common that their process of tone mapping is both subject to ANCHOR-L(tσ1, Hd), by which the un- derlying tone of the initial syllable ends up at the stressed syllable in the output. It follows that TSC is different from TSS in the way that metrical head is assigned: all domains undergoing TSS are stressed on their initial syllable; only in domains of TSC does the stress move rightwards, either to the second place in the tone sandhi of Yinru (TSYI), or to the final syllable in the tone sandhi of Yangru (TSYA). Given the assumption that checked syllables and smooth syllables in Shanghai are light and heavy, respectively, in terms of moraicity, and that foot-parsing is binary and left-aligned in general, the one-syllable shift of stress in TSYI can be accounted for by positing COINCIDE(LightHd, FT-final), which sets up the preference for light stress- bearing syllables to be licensed foot-finally. On the other hand, given that Yangru in the citation forms represents a rising contour, different from the level tone of Yinru, a licensing constraint, namely COINCIDE(Contour, PrWd-final), is further posited so that the long-distance movement of metrical head observed in TSYA emerges to satisfy the requirement for the retained rising contour to be licensed word-finally. Taken together, this thesis instantiates a remarkable case of the mapping among multiple prominent positions, including heavy syllables, metrical head, contour tones, and edge positions. Also, the present analysis demonstrates that Shanghai tone sandhi involves an interaction between tone and stress, thus a contribution to the general OT tone-prominence typology literature (cf. Zhang 2001, Barnes 2002, De Lacy 2002).

本論文以優選理論分析六家饒平客語和寧都田頭客語雙音節詞之連讀變調，並藉由聲調內部結構說明變調的動機。在六家饒平客語方面，主要是呈現位置變調(positional tone sandhi)，較有標(more marked)的聲調位於前字時發生變調。另外，此方言的陽平和陽去因歷史演變，兩者的本調(citation tone)同為HH，但兩者因不同的變調形式而產生不同的變調(sandhi tone)。陽去的變調形式為位置變調，而陽平的變調形式為環境變調(contextual tone sandhi)。本文採用聯合制約(Local Constraint Conjunction)捕捉環境變調制約運作的環境。另外，運用「詞素特定音韻」(morpheme-specific phonology)標記聯合制約，解釋陽平和陽去不同的變調規則。在寧都田頭客語方面，變調受詞法結構影響，且兩個音節皆有可能發生變調。本文利用標記制約理論(indexed constraints approach)解釋不同結構的變調情形。另藉由位置信實制約不同的排序，嘗試說明聲調的保留屬於類型差異(typological differences)。而此方言的變調類型包含位置變調和環境變調，同樣要求較有標的聲調改變，並使用聯合制約說明在環境變調的情況下制約運作的環境。 / This thesis investigates the tone sandhi in Liujia Raoping Hakka and Ningdu Tiantou Hakka under the framework of Optimality Theory. The internal structure of the tone reveals the motivation and the mechanism of tone sandhi. In terms of the tone sandhi in Liujia Raoping Hakka, the universal tonal markedness tendency could be regarded as the motivation triggering the positional tone sandhi in the left syllable. Moreover, the morpheme-specific phonology is adapted to account for the tone sandhi of historical merged tones, Yangping and Yangqu. Yangping and Yangqu are both high level tones; however, they display different tone sandhi patterns. Yangping displays the contextual tone sandhi whereas Yangqu displays the positional tone sandhi. Local conjunction constraints are posited to restrict markedness constraints to specific contexts in order to account for the mechanism of contextual tone sandhi. On the other hand, in terms of the tone sandhi in Ningdu Tiantou Hakka, the tone sandhi is construction sensitive and takes place in both syllables. The indexed constraint approach is adopted to explain the tone sandhi in different constructions. In addition, the preservation of tone is argued to be the typological difference according to different rankings of the positional faithfulness constraints. Finally, the tonal markedness tendency motivates the positional tone sandhi and the conjoined constraints are posited to govern the contextual tone sandhi in this dialect.

碩士 / 國立新竹教育大學 / 臺灣語言與語文教育研究所 / 92 / Taiwanese Southern Min is a language with a distinctive rule of tone sandhi. In general, when more than two syllables are connected together, the front syllable should be read in sandhi and the last syllable in normal tone. When we study tone rules between original tone and sandhi, a tone sandhi boundary # is normally inserted between the normal tone and sandhi. The last syllable before the tone sandhi indicates the original tone should be read, and the rest each syllable should be read in sandhi. This article is mainly to explore the position shown in the tone sandhi boundary of the phrases of modifier-head structure. In this article, the modifier-head structure has three phrases: noun phrase, verb phrase and adjective phrase. A conjunction “的(e5)” often occurs between a modifier and a head in noun phrases. In the past, most studies on the “的”, the front word of the “的” should be read in a original tone; that is to say, there is a tone sandhi boundary in front of “的”. However, when the syllable in front of the “的” is a pronoun or a neutral tone (inclining complement), the tone sandhi boundary at this moment, on the contrary, it appears in the middle of verb and inclining complement, rather than in front of the “的”. When there is no conjunction “的” between a modifier and a head, the tone sandhi may become more complicated. Without modifiers, pronouns, folk phrase, location phrase, number phrase, etc can be added to lengthen the noun phrase. The length of Syllables may have influence over the tone sandhi divisions. Syllable after the “的” cannot follow a location phrase with single syllable, like “內inside’, “外outside”, “頂top”,…. The location phrase with a monosyllable after the “的” should be omitted, and the location phrase with monosyllable should be placed in the same tone sandhi set with the noun as a modifier, and there is no tone sandhi boundary in the middle of a noun phrase. Divisions among tone sandhi in the aspect of pronunciation and syntax in the aspect of grammar in the noun phrases are not usually consistent, which may relate to the derivative of noun phrases in the Taiwanese Southern Min . Modifiers in noun phrases and adjective phrases serve as an adverb, and factors affecting the adverb tone sandhi in the Taiwanese Southern Min are very complicated. Numbers of adverb syllables, features of text content, modification of adverb, features of adverbial structure, and combining density of modifiers and heads are all the factors that may affect the tone sandhi in the Taiwanese Southern Min . We may see only a portion of a truth if we intend to make a simple adverbial classification according to certain features that affect adverbial (tone) sandhi, so all factors that may affect adverbial (tone) sandhi should be taken into consideration before we could understand profound mystery of the adverbial tone sandhi. This article is trying to clarify the position shown in the tone sandhi boundary of the phrases of modifier-head structure.

碩士 / 中興大學 / 資訊科學系所 / 95 /

碩士 / 國立中興大學 / 資訊科學與工程學系所 / 100 / Taiwanese Tone sandhi is one of the important research issues for Taiwanese Text-to-Speech systems. The aim of this study is to predict the tone sandhi of every syllable in one sentence. In general, a multi-character word usually ends with the basic tone at the final syllable and with tone sandhi at the other syllables. The tone sandhi becomes more difficult to predict in a sentence because of its syntactic phrases. We adopt Decision tree C5.0 algorithm accompanied with three Special Cases generated from training data to predict the tone sandhi of each syllable. In this prediction module, the accuracy of the inside test and outside test are 93.42% and 91.13%, respectively.

碩士 / 國立中正大學 / 語言學研究所 / 88 / This study investigates grammatical factors in the acquisition of Taiwanese tone sandhi, namely, the effects of morphosyntax and the effects of semantic transparency. Based on longitudinal data from two children aged 2;1 to 2;10, the results show that children performed worse with the verb + noun construction than with disyllabic nominals (noun + noun and adjective + noun). It suggests that the verb + noun construction is easily decomposed, thus causing more tone sandhi errors. Furthermore, the results also show that, within the set of disyllabic words, semantically transparent words are easier to decompose, making it easier for children to make tone sandhi errors. Therefore, generally speaking, children are worse with monomorphemic disyllabic words than with the noun + noun construction. This implies that the acquisition of tone sandhi is also closely related to semantic transparency. In Chapter one, the motivation and goal of this study are briefly stated. The hypothesis and predictions are also presented. Chapter two provides a description of the Taiwanese tone system and tone sandhi. This chapter also contains a pilot study for the present research. Then, in Chapter three, the methodology of the present study is presented. Chapter four discusses the findings and results on the acquisition of tone sandhi. Finally, in Chapter five, conclusions are given.

在前人的研究中，已透過音韻規則的角度分析梅縣客語 (Meixian Hakka) 和曼谷客語 (Bangkok Hakka)， 但仍有部分疑問未獲得合理解釋。諸如：部分聲調不會受變調規則(Tone sandhi)的影響、變調的觸發條件以及本調 (Citation tone) 和變調間結構上的關係等。 有鑒於此，本研究透過優選理論 (Optimality theory, OT) 重新分析梅縣客語和曼谷客語。 上述兩個方言有兩種變調的方式 : 同化(assimilation)和異化(dissimilation)。在此基礎上，為了更準確的描述變調現象，本研究在分析上主要採用必要性起伏原則 (obligatory contour principle) 和避免起伏原則 (no-jumping principle)，並應用聯合制約 (Constraint Conjunction approach) 的概念。採取此分析方式的理由在於分析對象的變調具有相當有標(marked)且受限於中心詞(head)右端音節的聲調。此外，本研究也採用一部分比聲調結構性制約(tonal markedness constraint)更高排序的信實性制約(faithfulness constraint)。這些制約會導致部分聲調或變調結構不受變調規則影響，例如：調域 (register) 和聲調的起點 (initial target) 將保留原始樣貌。 研究結果指出，聲調結構性制約和數個排序最高的聲調信實性制約能更準確地呈現梅縣客語和曼谷客語在變調時，輸入值與輸出值之間的對應關係 (input-output correspondence)。在論文結尾，筆者將綜覽本研究並提出未來可繼續延伸的相關議題。 / The grammar of Meixian and Bangkok Hakka tone sandhi has been analyzed from a rule based approach. Nevertheless, there are some questions and details that could not be solved by the analysis, such as the status of tones that do not undergo sandhi, triggers of the tone sandhi, and the structural relation between citation tones and their sandhi counterparts. Thus, the purpose of this study is to re-analyze the tone sandhi in Meixian and Bangkok Hakka under the constraint based framework, Optimality Theory (OT). There are two mechanisms of tonal alternations in the two dialects’ tone sandhi: assimilation, and dissimilation. So in order to capture the tonal alternations, the current analysis applies the concepts of the Obligatory Contour Principle, and the No-Jumping Principle. The constraints generated according to these principles work well with the application of the Constraint Conjunction approach. The conjoined constraints are needed since the tone alternations are highly marked, and depend a lot on the head/right syllable tone. Furthermore, this thesis also posits several faithfulness constraints that rank higher than the tone sandhi markedness constraint. The high ranked faithfulness constraints govern the preservation of several tones from any alternation, and preservation of some structures of the citation tones when they become sandhi tones (i.e. register and initial target). In conclusion, the positing of tone sandhi markedness constraints and undominated identity constraints presents a better input-output correspondence relation of the tone sandhi phenomena in Meixian and Bangkok Hakka. To conclude the thesis, a brief summary of the study and possible further issues are presented.