Male couples place the issue of extra??relational sex (ERS) in their committed relationships at various points on a continuum between monogamy and non??monogamy. Further, many couples move about on this continuum over the course of the relationship, according to their changing wishes and desires. Making the right choice or transitioning from one relationship style to another is not always straightforward and unproblematic. Some male couples may benefit from therapeutic support at these crucial times. This research seeks to contribute to knowledge that could inform sensitive and respectful practice on the part of therapists and others who work with the relational concerns of gay men. Using qualitative methodology the research questions explored how gay men negotiate the place of ERS with their partners, the strategies they use to manage ERS, and their beliefs about the effects of their choices on themselves and their relationship. A purposive sample of 24 Sydney gay men (six single and 18 partnered) aged between 22 and 68 participated in the research. Data were collected through semi??structured interviews and subjected to thematic analysis. Despite diverse experiences of ERS, a core set of processes appeared central to relationship satisfaction and function. The knowledge produced by this research provides a number of ways for therapists to orient themselves to the therapeutic terrain of work with gay men and ERS while remaining alive to the unique and particular characteristics of the male couple relationship before them.

Wilderness is crucial for global conservation. Contemporary research established that between 33% and 52% of the Earth qualifies as wilderness. It is a fragile, threatened resource which needs a global conservation framework. This role could be successfully fulfilled by the World Heritage Convention. The founding notion of the World Heritage idea ?? Outstanding Universal Value ?? bears a striking resemblance to the attributes and characteristics of wilderness. The two notions possess an indisputable cultural and historic affinity, embodied by their ??iconic?? dimension. This makes the synergy between wilderness and World Heritage extraordinarily effective, as the history of the Tasmanian Wilderness World Heritage Area demonstrates. The Franklin Dam dispute, solved after the World Heritage nomination of the Tasmanian wilderness, is emblematic in this respect. It gave birth to the world‟s only protected area which includes close to 100% of the local wilderness resource, and which coincides entirely with World Heritage status. The classic wilderness character of the region matched and enhanced the iconic power of the World Heritage, and the outcome represented a watershed for Australia‟s wilderness politics. Locally, it also paved the way for the establishment of a thriving ecotourism industry, providing the core of Tasmania‟s ??green?? brand. Its lesson is still invoked in unresolved wilderness conflicts throughout the country, and could be applied to other similar international contexts, as a model of proactive wilderness reservation through World Heritage nomination and of economic development based on wilderness tourism. On the other hand, despite the cultural affinity wilderness was never chosen as a criterion for World Heritage identification, and therefore the Convention cannot coherently fulfill this role of wilderness protection framework before solving this paradox. The unresolved dispute over Tasmania‟s wilderness forests indicates that the lack of an official endorsement of wilderness as a World Heritage criterion deprives the Convention of the conceptual tools needed to successfully address those environmental conflicts affecting existing World Heritage areas, in which the resource at stake is namely wilderness. Including wilderness as a World Heritage criterion would fill this gap and provide the global community with an effective framework for the preservation of remaining wilderness regions.

This thesis about rank and file police takes place from within a class framework with its foundations in the works of Marx, Engels and Gramsci who theorised that revolution is the result of the contradictions in class society reaching breaking point. This thesis contends that ‘progressive’ intellectuals, journalists and politicians act, as Gramsci theorised, as the ‘subalterns’ of the state by creating a ‘moral panic’ about police corruption. They ignore the wider spread of corruption within a criminal justice system that is shaped and reinforced by a highly politicised criminal justice establishment. The supporting data of the argument is provided in open ended, semi structured interviews with operational police. This is integrated with material from media sources, parliamentary inquiries, commissions of inquiry, legal transcripts and various published data from journals, newspaper articles, personal diaries, conference papers, Internet publications and policy documents. / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

The purpose of this thesis is to understand why the Arab-Israeli conflict has remained irreconcilable for sixty-one years. While the details and forms of the conflict have changed over time, the central factors dividing Zionists and Arabs in the Middle East have altered little. In this thesis I examine what these factors are and why they have been so effective in frustrating every peace effort. To understand the fundamental factors which keep the dispute alive I have conducted a comparative study of the two major peace initiatives which frame it diplomatically. The first formal peace conference between Israel and her Arab adversaries took place in Lausanne in 1949. The issues of borders, Jerusalem and refugees would not be seriously engaged with again until the last peace effort to date, the Camp David talks of 2000. Through a detailed comparative analysis of both conferences I seek to understand the positions taken by the warring parties towards these issues and the broader motivating factors separating them and preventing them from achieving peace. As the most important third party and supposed ??honest broker?? in both talks, I also closely examine the behaviour and policy of the US at each case. I find that the positions taken towards each issue by Israel, on the one hand, and the Arab party, on the other, were remarkably consistent in 1949 and 2000. Israel was not fully committed to peace in either instance, while the Arabs twice refused to sign what amounted to documents of surrender. These consistent positions starkly contrasted with that of the US, which completely changed its positions in ways which, by 2000, had almost wholly aligned it with Zionist demands. I conclude that future peace will rest on the ability of each party to re-examine its past in order to produce a spirit of reconciliation. For Israel, this will mean honestly revisiting Zionism in order to confront what its triumph meant for the Palestinian inhabitants of the land. The Arabs must also seek a broader understanding of their role in the dispute and demonstrate forcefully to Israelis that they seek peace rather than retribution. Above all, if the US is to retain its role as mediator it must abandon its ??special relationship?? with Israel and return to a more genuinely?? even handed alignment with the broader international consensus on the dispute. As it stands, the US??s more or less unconditional support of Israel has the effect of leading Israelis and Palestinians ever further from peace even as an ever more empty ??peace process?? is rhetorically trumpeted abroad.

Despite Australia enjoying good relations with both the United States and China at the moment, the long-term prospects are uncertain due to US-China strategic rivalry. The aim of this thesis is to examine Australia’s ability to continue strong relations with both countries over the long-term. The thesis concludes that Australia may be able to maintain good relations with the US and China in the long run despite US-China strategic rivalry. The strategic competition only increases the prospect of conflict; it does not mean a US-China conflict is bound to happen. Although the risks of a US-China military confrontation over Taiwan are real, the chances are small due to America’s continued strategic presence in the region and its military preponderance. If a Sino-US conflict were to occur, Australia would most likely side with the US despite China being economically significant to Australia. The United States is also critically important to Australia’s economic interests and, ultimately, Australia’s national security depends on its alliance with the US. Survival is the foremost goal for a state in the anarchical international system and security interests outweigh economic interests in importance in a time of crisis.

This study explores the validity of key assumptions and arguments about the nature, extent, depth, causes, and consequences of poverty that underpinned the statements and policy of the Howard Government during its decade in office. One important assumption appeared to be that an inability to afford the essentials of life plays a relatively unimportant, even negligible role in generating the low levels of human capital and school achievement exhibited by many ??poor?? parents and their children. Drawing on extensive secondary evidence from disciplines as diverse as economics, sociology, neurobiology, epidemiology and developmental psychology, the study demonstrates that these assumptions and arguments do not stand up to close empirical scrutiny. The adequacy of income support payments as a ??safety net?? from poverty, and the validity of various poverty ??lines?? are examined against the costs of obtaining the ??essentials?? that Australians believe no citizen should have to go without. This analysis reveals that the depth and prevalence of poverty in Australia is considerably more serious than has been admitted by the Howard Government and in many academic analyses. Next, the study demonstrates that the rise in so-called ??welfare dependence?? is a product of economic, rather than cultural developments; that income support ??customer?? data contradicts the claim that poverty is mostly a transitory phenomenon; and that ??work first welfare to work policies?? are not a solution to poverty, even during an economic boom. The second half of the thesis explores evidence from a variety of disciplines that suggests that the financial stress and material hardship associated with poverty have direct, indirect and cumulative impacts which commonly include compromised brain function and development and a reduced capacity for physiological and behavioural self-regulation. These consequences undermine physical and mental health, inter-personal relationships, parenting and health behaviours, learning capacities, and the development and maintenance of cognitive and non-cognitive abilities that are valued in the labour market. Contrary to the policy conclusions that flow from mis-characterisation of these consequences as symptoms of the intrinsic deficits of the poor, the multi-disciplinary evidence suggests that the real economic costs of allowing poverty to continue are likely to be higher than the costs of preventing it.

The thesis develops a comprehensive account of human political ontology through the discussion of Plato, Rousseau, Lacan, Lyotard, Hugo, Conrad, Tolstoy and Nietzsche. At the heart of this account lies the dialectical struggle between an individual's need to belong and their fidelity to an intuitively recognisable, yet difficult to define good (or set of goods), that has, over the millennia, been conceptualised as, amongst other things, the form of the good, self interest, compassion, love, friendship, the event, conscience, reason and truth. Through the development of this account of human political ontology the thesis will elucidate the stakes involved in emancipatory acts, be they broad social movements or individual transformations. Its most important argument is that people almost always fail to recognise that to which they belong; the consequence of this being that they mistake the acts which function to reaffirm their belonging for acts that are indicative of their sovereign being. This phenomenon becomes particularly troubling once we recognise that the acts which function to reaffirm an individual??s belonging can depend upon the individual sacrificing both themself and others.

The nature of debates about managerialism and social justice tend to be adversarial. The purpose of this study is to explore the nature of the relationship between managerialism and social justice. The thesis examines the nature of this relationship in the development of a community-networking project, a pilot website for young people in a high need community. The community-networking project was established through a novel contractual arrangement between government and a local community organisation. In this study social values comprise the analytical lens used to map out this relationship. Kekes??? (1993) approach to ethical pluralism is used to explore the nature of relations between ideas about managerialism and social justice in the process of implementing policy. The study is contextualised in a minor policy proposal of the former federal Liberal Coalition government and associated with a 1998-99 Budget proposal concerned with improving access to and the coordination of family-related information and services including information relating to mental health, child care, youth and aged care (see Black et al. 2002: 10). The policy initiative was established to test a range of assumptions about strong communities. There are two facets to the field study. The first facet explores the process of the implementation of the policy initiative through the different perspectives of three key informants, and the second facet explores the views of end-users of the service to determine whether or not young people were empowered, in the sense of being able to access knowledge about their own lives in terms that have meaning for them. The tone of the study is influenced by my own direct involvement as ???an insider???. Despite the explicit intentions that were supported by research and policy, pragmatic constraints limited the extent to which community organisations were empowered to act outside the demands of government organisations and in this instance, managerialism did act against social justice. However, this did not appear to prevent the end-users of the service that was established from achieving a sense of empowerment.

The aim of this thesis is to discuss ontological experiences of the writer and reader of literature. It argues that literary creation entails an experience of a state of being where the distance of ??my?? being/speaking and (an)other??s disappears: hence the total union of a being with (an)other. It suggests that this state of being created in the course of literary creation is also significant for everyday life. It analyses the texts of three theorists who addressed this issue: Sartre, Barthes, and Bachelard. Whilst Sartre speaks nothing about a state of being of the creative writer in relation to inspirational otherness, he suggests the change of the writer into a free being, in relation to the reader. Sartre holds that the reader, while becoming a free being, and revealing another (the writer)??s freedom, transforms what s/he is not into his or her own in reading-creation. This implies that in reading-creation, the distance of a being and another disappears. Barthes asserts that in writing the death of the ??author-person?? as an original creator is needed; this means that, for him, writers write finding no distance between themselves and language, which is what speaks itself. Although readers create as ??subject??, Barthes holds, they may find no distance between their being and the text, losing their subjectivity. Bachelard suggests that the poetic dreamer (as both the writer and reader of poetry) experiences a state of being in which neither subjectivity nor object is sensed. In this state, he holds, the speaking of (an)other becomes the speaking of the poetic dreamer. This poetic dreaming state which involves the complete harmony between a dreaming being and other being(s) is termed by Bachelard childhood. He suggests that childhood is permanent and subsistent as an archetypal state of mind and bears witness to the childhood of humankind. As the Bachelardian sense of childhood denotes an ultimate harmonia involving the liberation from the ??prison of self??, it carries significant implications for everyday life.

This study seeks to analyze the change of US security policy in Southeast Asia from the Clinton to Bush administrations. The main aim of the study is to examine the position of Southeast Asia in US security policy and changes in US security policy toward Southeast Asia between the two administrations at both regional and bilateral levels. Besides examining the US security approach to regional institutions like ASEAN and ARF, the study especially concentrates on the US security approach to some ASEAN members - The Philippines, Thailand, Singapore, Indonesia and Malaysia - as well as interactions between the United States and these countries in terms of security. The main argument of this study is that since the end of the Cold War, Southeast Asia has occupied an important position in US security strategy though it was far from being the highest priority in US foreign policy. During the Clinton administration and in the context of the post-Cold War environment which saw the decline of American economic power, the dynamic economic and political development of East Asia, and the existence of hot spots like North Korean and Taiwan, the United States supported the establishment of the ARF and strengthened its alliance with several ASEAN members, including the Philippines, Thailand, Singapore and Indonesia. With the goal to form a ???New Pacific Community???, the US had strategic interests in keeping Southeast Asia stable and preventing the emergence of a potential adversary in the future. To implement the security pillar in the Clinton Doctrine, the US provided military assistance to, and increased military exercises with the ASEAN states. During this period, the China factor was also a key element contributing to the change of the US relationship with the region. In the post-Cold War, the US has seen many challenges posed by China, especially from China???s military modernization program. Moreover, China???s activities in the South China Sea during the 1990s also contributed to the strengthening of bilateral relations between the US and ASEAN states. Under the Bush administration, Southeast Asia became more important to the US interests. Economically, Southeast Asia was the USA???s fifth-largest trading partner. At the same time, the US ranked as either the largest or second-largest trade partner of nine of the ten ASEAN states. Strategically, after September 11, 2001, Southeast Asia played a significant role in US security strategy since it served as the ???second front of terror???. Besides strengthening its relations with ASEAN and the ARF, the United States revitalized its bilateral relationships with ASEAN states, such as: The Philippines, Thailand, Singapore, Indonesia, and Malaysia. Through anti-terrorism initiatives, military assistance programs, intelligence sharing and joint military exercises, the US deepened and expanded its relations with ASEAN states. From this perspective, both the Philippines and Thailand were designated as ???major non-NATO allies??? of the US. In the long term, the USA???s objective in the region was to prevent the emergence of any potential adversary that would be capable of competing with the US in the future. Importantly, the US re-engagement in Southeast Asia under the Bush administration was not only to counter terrorism, but also to contain China. The rapid increase in China???s defense spending and the expansion of its influence in Southeast Asia concerned the United States. During the Bush era, China also played a key role in the US relationships with ASEAN states.