Orientador: Jorge Ruben Biton Tapia / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T11:35:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Buchala_LucianadeSant'Anna_M.pdf: 973286 bytes, checksum: 7afa091f0b1f9297eaf3b3b3239d7fbe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: A proposta do trabalho de pesquisa é avaliar as contribuições teóricas de Olin Wright, Bourdieu e Klaus Eder ao entendimento das classes sociais nas sociedades contemporâneas. De forma mais específica, foram estudadas as respostas dadas pelos referidos autores às dificuldades teóricas enfrentados pela teoria marxista em relação a: 1) a problemática da classe média e 2) a ligação entre classe e ação coletiva. Mostrou-se como as fronteiras de classe são fruto, em Wright, das operações analíticas do pesquisador, enquanto, em Bourdieu, emergem das práticas das classes. A noção de habitus de Bourdieu gera práticas e representações diferenciadas que funcionam como princípios de inclusão e exclusão e marcam as distâncias e afinidades, recortando, assim, as fronteiras entre as classes. Wright, por sua vez, mantém-se na apreensão da dimensão objetiva das relações de classe, definindo critérios teóricos a fim de especificar quem está fora e quem está dentro de determinada classe. No entanto, não é possível falar em fronteiras entre quaisquer grupos sociais sem considerar como essas fronteiras são simbolicamente construídas na realidade. Também foi analisado como Eder foi capaz de mostrar que os novos movimentos sociais estão ligados à classe média por refletirem aspectos da cultura dessa classe, e não por veicularem seus interesses materiais. Nesse sentido, o autor substitui a consciência de classe pela cultura como elo entre classe e ação coletiva, o que permite superar algumas dificuldades que a noção de consciência de classe colocava. Por exemplo, a dificuldade de se afirmar o condicionamento desses movimentos por determinada classe quando as reivindicações dos movimentos sociais não são veiculadas em termos classistas. Outra dificuldade era a exigência de uma atitude reflexiva a respeito da posição ocupada na estrutura social e dos interesses ¿fundamentais¿ correspondentes / Abstract: The proposal of this research is to evaluate the theoretical contributions of Olin Wright, Bourdieu and Klaus Eder to the understanding of the social classes in contemporary societies. Specifically, it studies the authors¿ answers to the difficulties found in Marxist theory related to: 1) the middle classes and 2) the link between class and collective action. It reveals how the class borders are the result, in Wright¿s thought, of the analytical operations of the researcher, while, in Bourdieu¿s thought, they emerge from the class practices. The notion of habitus proposed by Bourdieu generates practices and representations that function as principles of inclusion and exclusion and thus they mark the distances and affinities that trace the class borders. Wright, in turn, remains itself in the apprehension of the objective dimension of class relations and defines theoretical criteria in order to specify who are inside and who are outside of a social class. However, it is not possible to speak in borders between any social groups without considering how these borders are symbolically constructed in reality. It also analyzes how Eder was capable to show that the new social movements are linked to the middle classes because they reflect aspects of the culture of this class, and not because they propagate its material interests. In this sense, the author substitutes the class conscience by the culture as the link between social classes and collective action. This allows to solve some difficulties placed by the notion of class conscience. For example, the difficulty of recognizing the class conditioning of social movements when their claims are not propagated in class terms. Another difficulty was the requirement of a reflexive attitude regarding the position in the social structure and the corresponding interests / Mestrado / Mestre em Economia

Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-29T15:27:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Alirio Melo Urany.pdf: 377804 bytes, checksum: b84f0f40cb381ededbe1500fb395e256 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-12-08 / This paper conducts an investigation of the collective action organized by the LGBT movement in Goiania, seeking to demystify the character of uniqueness attributed to it, giving rise to the development of an interpretive framework capable of perceiving the plurality of actors and logics of action. I use Bourdieu's concept of habitus to view the process of aggregation of individuals, as well as the formation of homosexual identities positioned in a relationship of rulers and ruled in a heteronormative hegemonic social order. But how to systematize the LGBT movement in Goiania seeks to promote the struggle for positive recognition, is to present a breakdown of its social power into internal, semi-external and external. This allows you to view a schematic circuit energies of formation of networks of solidarity, used to maintain the cohesion of the social force within the field of LGBT activism. It is also evident that the agents are not in harmony, since that produce new hierarchies within the field of activism LGBT, but also tend to control the voltages to allow the maintenance and expansion of the field. / Esta dissertação realiza uma investigação acerca da ação coletiva promovida pelo movimento LGBT em Goiânia, buscando desmistificar o caráter de unicidade que lhe é atribuído, dando margem para a elaboração de um quadro interpretativo capaz de perceber a pluralidade dos atores e das lógicas de ação. Faço uso do conceito de habitus de Bourdieu para visualizar os processos de agregação dos sujeitos, bem como da formação de identidades homossexuais posicionadas numa relação de dominantes e dominados numa ordem social hegemonicamente heteronormativa. Mas para sistematizar a forma como o movimento LGBT em Goiânia busca promover a sua luta por reconhecimento positivo, é que apresento uma divisão de sua força social em interna, semi -externa e externa. Esta esquematização possibilita visualizar um circuito de energias, de formação de redes de solidariedade, utilizada para manter a coesão da força social dentro do campo de ativismo LGBT. Evidenciou-se ainda que os atores não estão em plena harmonia, uma vez que produzem novas hierarquizações dentro do campo de ativismo LGBT, mas que também tendem a controlar as tensões de modo a permitir a manutenção e ampliação do campo.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-03-13T12:05:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 gustavopaccellidacosta.pdf: 1707711 bytes, checksum: 8d8acba5a84ca3932d89104aea06e2fe (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-03-13T19:20:37Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 gustavopaccellidacosta.pdf: 1707711 bytes, checksum: 8d8acba5a84ca3932d89104aea06e2fe (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-13T19:20:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 gustavopaccellidacosta.pdf: 1707711 bytes, checksum: 8d8acba5a84ca3932d89104aea06e2fe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-10-21 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O presente trabalho é uma investigação que tem como objeto de análise um fenômeno recente na realidade social brasileira: as manifestações de junho de 2013. Este estudo se envereda por uma análise conjuntural das causas e efeitos do confronto político ocorrido no Brasil em junho de 2013. Identifica-se os principais atores envolvidos durante as manifestações e o confronto proveniente entre elementos da sociedade civil e sistema político. Salientamos que para a análise de tal fenômeno recorremos à vasta literatura responsável pelo tema da ação coletiva e dos movimentos sociais. Compreende-se que as causas de junho de 2013 estão inseridas em um contexto de indignação coletiva que envolveram movimentos sociais, atores políticos, mídia e pessoas comuns. Com efeito, os protestos revelaram formas de ativismo com inúmeras práticas que estão inseridas em uma ideologia de grupo, numa identidade fixa ou passageira, em um contexto estrutural ou histórico, como também em formas de contestação pública, onde o confronto político está culturalmente inscrito e é socialmente comunicado. Assim, de acordo com este estudo, interpretar junho de 2013 representa um exercício teórico e incansável de entender quais os sentidos do ativismo social e da ação coletiva na contemporaneidade e as consequências que tais manifestações geraram na sociedade e na agenda política brasileira. / This work is an investigation that has as its object of analysis a recent phenomenon in the Brazilian social reality: the manifestations of June 2013. This study is appealing to a situational analysis of the causes and effects of political confrontation occurred in Brazil in June 2013. Identifies the main actors involved during the demonstrations and the coming confrontation between elements of civil society and political system. We emphasize that for the analysis of this phenomenon we used the vast literature responsible for the issue of collective action and social movements. It is understood that the causes of June 2013 are inserted in a context of collective outrage involving social movements, political actors, media and ordinary people. Indeed, the protests have revealed forms of activism with numerous practices that are embedded in a group ideology, a fixed or temporary identity in a structural or historical context, as well as in public protest forms, where the political confrontation is culturally inscribed and socially statement. Thus, according to this study, interpret June 2013 is a theoretical and tireless exercise to understand which way social activism and collective action in contemporary society and the consequences that these events have generated in society and the Brazilian political agenda.

A partir do início da década de 90, com a desregulamentação do setor, os produtores de cana-de-açúcar do Brasil passaram a ser livres para se juntarem voluntariamente à associação do seu agrado. O caráter voluntário passou a posicionar o associado como cliente da associação e, portanto, atrair e manter membros tornou-se essencial para a perpetuação das associações, bem como compreender o que os conduz à satisfação. Nesse contexto, o presente estudo teve como objetivo identificar os elementos que determinam a satisfação apresentada pelos produtores de cana-de-açúcar com as associações da qual fazem parte. Baseado na literatura foi desenvolvido um modelo composto por seis variáveis independentes aglomeradas em dois tipos: benefícios individuais (vantagem econômica, contatos, serviços seletivos) e benefícios coletivos (serviços coletivos, representação, lobby). O modelo também foi composto por quatro variáveis moderadoras: tamanho da associação, heterogeneidade da associação, comunicação face-a-face com a associação e informações sobre ações passadas. Para o alcance do objetivo e teste do modelo, foi realizada uma pesquisa de caráter quantitativo e explicativo, por meio de 230 questionários válidos aplicados diretamente aos produtores durante eventos. Para a verificação do modelo elaborado, foram realizadas análises descritivas, testes de correlação, de regressão linear múltipla e de moderação. Os resultados identificaram que todas as seis variáveis independentes apresentam correlação positiva com a satisfação, indicando haver uma relação positiva entre elas e a satisfação. Entretanto, apenas três delas apresentaram um efeito significativo na regressão linear múltipla: vantagem econômica (?=0,461), representação (?=0,437) e serviços seletivos (?=0,115). Os resultados também mostraram que os aspectos individuais influenciam mais a satisfação dos produtores do que os aspectos coletivos. Por fim, os resultados indicaram que a heterogeneidade da associação e a comunicação face-a-face apresentaram um efeito moderador sobre a relação entre vantagem econômica e satisfação e a heterogeneidade e informações sobre ações passadas apresentaram um efeito moderador sobre a relação entre representação e satisfação. / From the beginning of the 90s, with the deregulation of the sector, producers of sugarcane in Brazil became free to voluntarily join the association of their liking. The voluntary character passed the position members as customers and therefore attract and retain members and understanding what leads to satisfaction has become essential to the perpetuation of the associations. In this context, the study aimed to identify the elements that determine the satisfaction displayed by sugar cane producers, the Center-South region of Brazil, with the associations they belong to. Based on the literature, it was developed a model composed of six independent variables clustered into two types: individual benefits (economic advantage, contacts, selective services) and collective benefits (collective services, representation, lobbying). The model was also composed by four moderating variables: size of the association, heterogeneity of the association, face-to-face communication and information about past actions. For the data analysis and model test, a quantitative and explanatory research was performed, through 230 valid questionnaires, applied directly to producers during events. Descriptive analysis, correlation test, multiple linear regression and moderation test were used. The results showed that all independent variables are positively correlated with satisfaction, indicating a positive relationship between them and the satisfaction. However, only three of them have had a significant effect on multiple linear regression: economic advantage (? = 0.461), representation (? = 0.437) and selective services (? = 0.115). The results also showed that individual aspects influence satisfaction more than the collective aspects. Finally, the results indicated that the heterogeneity of the association and face-to-face communication had a moderating effect on the relationship between economic benefit and satisfaction and heterogeneity and information about past actions had a moderating effect on the relationship between representation and satisfaction.

Dans cette recherche, on analyse la question à savoir « comment les trois principaux types de groupes kurdes -nationale, religieuse et économique- coopèrent pour établir un consensus sur un objectif commun : une région politique kurde en Turquie ». En suivant la théorie du constructivisme, le modèle des Trois I, la sociologie de l'organisation et de la sociologie de l'action collective sont articulé pour examiner l'action collective kurde, qui est constamment reconstruite dans un contexte historiquement construit, qui est aussi constamment reconstruit par les dynamiques aux niveaux nationaux, transnationaux (géopolitiques), européens et mondiaux. Quant à la tâche empirique, on examine les conflits, les négociations, la coopération et le consensus de ces trois groupes kurdes sur la question kurde et l'influence des cinq dynamiques structurants mentionnés ci-dessus. La principale méthode utilisée dans ma recherche est l'analyse qualitative des entretiens en profondeur. Au niveau conclusion théorique, la recherche fait remarquable contribution aux théories et approches concernant les identités collectives et les groupes (étant groupe) collectives, l'État, le modèle des « Trois I », la dépendance au sentier, la géopolitique de la question kurde et l'européanisation. Au niveau empirique, la principale conclusion de l'étude est le fait que les groupes kurdes n’ont pas atteint de construire une organisation commune et des règles collectivement acceptées jusqu'ici. Les idées, les intérêts et les institutions des groupes ne sont pas équivalents ; et les intérêts particuliers des groupes ont pesé sur l'action collective dans la région kurde. / In this research, I analyzed the question of “the three main types of Kurdish groups -national, religious and economic- cooperate to establish a consensus on a common purpose: a Kurdish political region in Turkey.” Following the theory of constructivism, the Three I model, the sociology of organization and the sociology of collective action are articulated to examine the Kurdish collective action, which the is constantly re-constructed in historically constructed context, which is also constantly re-constructed by dynamics at national, trans-national (geopolitical), European and global levels. As to the empirical task, I examined the conflicts, negotiations, cooperation and consensus of these three Kurdish groups regarding the Kurdish issue(s) and the influence of the above-mentioned five structuring dynamics. The principal method used in my research is the qualitative analysis of in-depth interviews. At the level of theoretical conclusion, the research makes remarkable contribution to the theories and approaches concerning the collective identities and groups(ness), the state, the “Three I” model, path dependency, the geopolitics of the Kurdish issue, and Europeanization. At the empirical level, the main conclusion of the research is the fact that the Kurdish groups have not achieved to build a common organization and accepted rules so far. The groups’ ideas, interests and institutions are not equivalent and the groups’ distinctive interests have weighed on the collective action in the Kurdish region.

Les études urbaines (Urban Studies) et organisationnelles (Organization Studies) sur la ville durable ont focalisé leur attention sur la question de la gouvernance, en particulier sur la participation des citoyens et des stakeholders. Très peu de travaux ont étudié, en revanche, la naissance des projets urbains durables sous l'angle de la conception et de son pilotage. La conception de la ville durable ou de morceaux de ville (les quartiers durables) pose pourtant des questions multiples. La première touche à la naissance et à l'évolution de nouveaux objets de conception associés à de nouvelles fonctions (mixité sociale, mixité fonctionnelle, fonctions écologiques et écosystémiques). Tracer la transformation successive des objets intermédiaires de conception (programme, plans masse, réception du quartier ou des bâtiments, vie en marche) qui jalonnent et cristallisent ce processus de création collective dans le cadre de projets innovants constitue un premier objectif de la thèse. Ce travail permet de mettre en évidence les ruptures et les discontinuités dans les processus de conception qui tiennent aux différentes modélisations de ces objets. La deuxième question est relative aux instruments et aux langages (ingénieriques, comme l'écoconception, économiques et juridiques) qui constituent des supports cognitifs pour l'action des concepteurs. Ainsi nous caractérisons les nouveaux instruments et langages mobilisés dans le cadre de ces projets urbains innovants et analysons la façon dont ils permettent de doter les concepteurs de nouvelles capacités de conception. Enfin, nous abordons la question des conditions d'une cohésion au sein des collectifs d'acteurs engagés dans les projets urbains durables. L'émiettement et l'hétérogénéité des acteurs des projets urbains rendent, en effet, cette recherche de cohésion particulièrement difficile à obtenir. Dans cette perspective, nous avons identifié des situations innovantes où émerge un rôle collectif de conception qui dépasse les intérêts et les identités professionnelles particuliers des acteurs. Cette découverte ouvre un nouveau champ d'interaction à l'interface entre Organization Studies, Urban Studies et le Pragmatism. / Experiments on sustainable city or neighborhood accompanied by the search for new modes of design, governance, management and plan-ning of the city. The thesis proposes to study the emergence of an innovation based on so-called 'sustainable' from the tools and instruments which will equip participants to manage these new situations. Four types of instrumentation are considered in the thesis: legal (contracts between the parties); Economic and Financial (financial engineering development projects / ACG), governance and management (repositories, project management and process) design and evaluation performance of the district or area con-sidered (these tools and templates that can be quantitative and qualitative). This systematic analysis has not yet been carried out in the literature. It is therefore a theoretical issue. It is also an empirical issue because design patterns are planning to conceive, a synoptic view is a key issue for actors, public or private, who wish to contribute to this new integrative function. For this, the thesis is based on two approaches: - A historical perspective of the logic of development to show the changes brought about by sustainability issues and challenges of this new feature; - An empirical analysis and comparative depth of experience innova-tive in France and abroad. Our goal is to answer two research questions: What are the instruments, collective reasoning and collective experiments that support in-novantes current in terms of sustainable management? What are the attributes of the function of sustainable (parallel with the 'innovation function')?

Les pesticides utilisés en agriculture posent aujourd’hui des problèmes avérés sur le plan sanitaire et environnemental. Malgré l’implication du monde agricole et l’apport de financements publics significatifs, les politiques publiques déployées depuis 40 ans en matière d’agri-environnement peinent à atteindre leurs objectifs, là où les systèmes de production durables développés en réaction au modèle productiviste s’avèrent probants mais marginaux. La transition vers des systèmes de production plus respectueux de l’environnement demeure ainsi un défi pour les pouvoirs publics et l’agriculture conventionnelle : comment s’organiser collectivement pour « sortir des phytos » ? A partir de l’exemple d’un dispositif expérimental visant la suppression des herbicides en viticulture et initié par des professionnels de la filière, la thèse propose de réinterroger, par le prisme d’une sociologie de l’action, la capacité d’innovation du monde agricole et de réaction des pouvoirs publics en matière d’agri-environnement, en prenant comme clé de lecture l’analyse de l’action collective professionnelle se développant en-deçà des dispositifs institués d’action publique. La thèse montre que, dans de telles conditions, les objets, les mobiles et les collectifs de l’action environnementale ont pour propriétés d’être hétérogènes, équivoques, variables et flexibles, tout au long de leur mise en débat. Qu’il s’agisse des solutions alternatives mises en œuvre ou de leurs capacités de transfert, la pluralité et la variation des situations soulignent une impossibilité de standardisation, susceptible d’appeler des réponses institutionnelles différenciées pour un même problème d’environnement. / Pesticides used in agriculture are a known environmental problematic fact. Despite the involvement of agriculture and the contribution of significant public funding, agri-environmental public policies deployed for over 40 years struggle to achieve their goals, where sustainable production systems remain convincing but marginal. Faced with this context, designing and spreading alternative techniques to chemicals remains a challenge for government and professionals. From case of a professional project aiming at removing herbicides in the South West of France vineyards, this thesis proposes to re-examine, through the prism of a sociology that pay attention to action (less than actors), the innovation capacity of agriculture and the responsiveness of public authorities about agri-environment, focusing on the analysis of professional collective action as a way of regulating environmental public issues, and considering its development out, in parallel, upstream or below established public policies offer. The research shows that in such conditions, objects, mobiles and collectives comprised by environmental action are heterogeneous, ambiguous, variable and flexible, throughout their discussions. Plurality and change situations emphasize as much unpredictability of collective action that impossibility of standardization, that are likely to call (on the contrary) differentiated institutional responses to the same environmental problem.

This dissertation investigates three questions: First, what conditions make dissident collective action such as protest, revolt, rebellion, or civil war more likely to happen in a country? Second, what conditions make citizens more likely to join in dissident collective action? Third, does Internet use play a role in dissident collective action, and if so, why? I argue that motives and resources are necessary rather than sufficient conditions for dissident collective action. I develop an analytical framework integrating motives and resources. Specifically, I theorize that state repression is an important motive, and that civil society is critical in providing resources. Four statistical analyses are conducted to test the hypotheses. Using aggregate level data on countries over time, I find that civil war is more likely to occur in countries where both state repression and civil society are strong. Moreover, the effect of civil society on civil war onset increases as the repression level rises. at the individual level using 2008 Latin American Public Opinion Project surveys from 23 Latin American and Caribbean countries, I find individuals more likely to join in protest when they experience both more repression and greater civic engagement. Moreover, civic engagement’s effect on protest participation increases as people experience more repression. I further find that Internet use constitutes a kind of civic engagement and has effects similar to voluntary group involvement. the effect of Internet use on protest participation decreases as a person’s civic engagement increases. Finally, an individual is more likely to join in protest when experiencing more repression and using the Internet more frequently. Moreover, the effect of Internet use on protest participation increases as a person experiences more repression.

Masters in Public Administration - MPA / Hence, in this mini-thesis I argue that community participation does not automatically facilitate gains for the poor. My main assumption is that internal rigidities in communities, such as weak social capital, culture, trust and reciprocity, affect mutual cooperation towards collective community gains. I used two communities, where a community empowerment project is implemented, as a case study to demonstrate that the success of community participation is contingent on the stocks of social capital in the community. The results show that the responsiveness of the two communities to the project activities differs with the stocks of social capital. I found that trust among community members facilitates information flow in the community. The level of trust is also related to the sources of information of community members about development activities in the community. I also found that solidarity is an important dimension of social capital, which determines community members’ willingness to help one another and to participate in activities towards collective community gain. The research also demonstrated that perception of community members about target beneficiaries of projects - whether they represent the interest of the majority of the community or only the interest of community leaders - influences the level of confidence and ownership of the project. From my research findings, I concluded that, in order for community participation to work successfully, development managers need to identify the stocks of social capital in the community that will form the basis to determine the level of engagement with community members in the participatory process. / South Africa

Este trabalho busca analisar políticas de redução das taxas de homicídios em municípios da Região Metropolitana de São Paulo, baseadas especificamente na restrição do horário de funcionamento de bares. O objetivo geral é analisar comparativamente a implementação da chamada Lei Seca nesta região, considerando a necessidade de coordenação da ação de diversos atores para a sua efetivação. A hipótese principal é que os resultados alcançados pela Lei Seca dependem da articulação entre diversos atores (estatais e civis) ligados à segurança pública, de um desenho institucional bem delimitado para garantir a coordenação desses agentes e da fiscalização das ações. Os processos de implementação da lei foram analisados comparativamente, bem como o consórcio de instituições e atores civis responsáveis pela elaboração, execução e fiscalização da lei. O trabalho baseou-se em pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, levantamento de estatísticas criminais e entrevistas qualitativas com agentes envolvidos na formulação e implementação dessa política pública. Esta análise se insere nos debates sobre a articulação entre instituições responsáveis pela segurança pública, participação da sociedade civil, municipalização da segurança pública, relação entre o consumo de álcool e homicídios e outros, mas a contribuição pretendida refere-se especialmente ao debate sobre a produção de bens coletivos. Pode-se concluir que os resultados da interação entre os atores envolvidos e a cooperação para a efetivação da política analisada dependem de investimentos dos atores públicos para o estabelecimento de condições iniciais de implementação baseadas no diálogo e convencimento dos demais atores, aproximando-se assim daquilo que a literatura passou a denominar governança colaborativa. / This thesis aims to analyze policies to reduce homicide rates in cities within the Metropolitan Region of São Paulo, based on restricting bars business hours. The overall objective is to analyze the implementation of the Dry Law in the area, taking into consideration the need to coordinate the action of many players in order to make it effective. The main assumption is that Dry Law results depend on the joint effort from various players in public safety (state and civil), a well-defined institutional structure to ensure coordination of these agents and actions surveillance. The law implementation process was analyzed, as well as the consortium of institutions and civil players responsible for the preparation, enforcement and supervision of the law. The work was based on literature and documents review, crime statistics and qualitative interviews with stakeholders involved in the formulation and implementation of this public policy. This analysis is part of the debates about the articulation among institutions responsible for public safety, civil society participation, municipalization of public safety, the relation between alcohol consumption and homicide and others. Nevertheless, the contribution is intended to refer specifically to the debate on the production of collective goods. In conclusion, results from the interaction among players and cooperation to put this policy into effect depend on public players investment in order to establish initial conditions for implementation, based on dialogue and persuasion of other players, approaching what literature has defined as \"collaborative governance\"