Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:23:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Felipe Carvas.pdf: 1413824 bytes, checksum: 5f4bebeea1125a3e6bc28abec039a96d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-24 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The urban order was expressly included as object of collective action in 2001, and with this, it is pertinent to investigate what is the scope and content of his tutelage in court. So first was analyzed the term "urban order" in order to identify its component institutes and other features that are particularly important for their protection, considering principally the provisions of the federal law called City Statute . Subsequently, we analyze the Brazilian class action, which general discipline occurs with the interaction between the Code of Consumer Protection and the Law of Public Civil Action. We also analyze other actions related to collective protection, such as the popular action, the collective writ of mandamus and collective action of adverse possession / A ordem urbanística passou a ser prevista expressamente como objeto de ação coletiva em 2001, e, com isso, faz-se pertinente investigar qual o alcance e o conteúdo de sua tutela em juízo. Assim, primeiro se realiza a análise do termo ordem urbanística com o intuito de identificar quais institutos o compõem e as demais características que assumem relevo para sua tutela, considerando, principalmente, as disposições do Estatuto da Cidade. Posteriormente, analisa-se o chamado microssistema de ações coletivas, cuja disciplina geral se dá com a interação entre o Código de Defesa do Consumidor e a Lei de Ação Civil Pública. Também foram analisadas outras ações referentes à tutela coletiva, como a ação popular, o mandado de segurança coletivo e a ação de usucapião coletiva

With climate change and increasing populations, water availability is becoming even more important in the region of Sahel, Africa, where droughts have plagued the states for centuries. In response to this growing concern, seven Sahelian states have initiated cooperation over their shared groundwater resources, an action that is still quite unique globally, given the overlooked status of groundwater. This paper analyses their agreement using Elinor Ostrom’s framework for sustainable collective management of common-pool resources. It concludes that, although the agreement reflects progressive intentions, the attention towards the local levels of governance is insufficient. This conclusion is important specifically for the future of this agreement, and generally feeds into a discussion of governance of larger-scale, transboundary CPRs.

Cette thèse a pour objet l’espace des clubs de cadres et de dirigeants racialisés, au sens des regroupements s’appropriant la forme « club » et problématisant l’appartenance à un groupe à la fois doté en ressources socioéconomiques et racialisé, autrement dit dont l’altérité est radicalisée. Au croisement de la sociologie des mobilisations, des élites, de la racialisation et de la migration, la thèse interroge les conditions d’émergence et les principes de structuration de cet espace en se fondant sur une enquête de terrain combinant plusieurs méthodes (entretiens, observation, sociographie, analyse documentaire). La sociogenèse montre que cet espace naît d’un mouvement d’autonomisation de la gauche politique et d’insertion de la cause dans l’espace économique et patronal. La thèse montre ensuite que cet espace est constitué par trois pôles, dont les discours sont plus ou moins critiques ou conformistes envers une idéologie dominante de réussite caractérisée, en France, par la valorisation de la méritocratie et de l’élitisme scolaires, un interdit communautaire, et une injonction d’acculturation et d’invisibilisation des marqueurs de différence. L’analyse des trajectoires des fondateurs, des propriétés des membres, des ressources et des relations des clubs avec la sphère économique et politique et l’espace patronal de représentation montre que les rapports des clubs à l’idéologie sont étroitement liés à leurs propriétés de classe. L’observation révèle enfin les effets internes de la proximité plus ou moins forte des clubs avec l’espace patronal de représentation ainsi que la sphère politique et médiatique, avec des relations sociales oscillant entre concurrence et convivialité. / The object of this thesis is the space of racialized executives and business owners’ clubs, i.e regroupings which appropriate the form of a “club” and problematize the belonging to a group both endowed with socio-economic resources and racialized in the sense that its alterity is radicalised. At the junction of the sociology of collective action, elites, racialization and migration, the thesis questions the conditions of emergence and the principles of structuration of that space by basing itself on a fieldwork combining several methods (interviews, observation, sociography, analysis of documents). We first show that this space stems from a double movement of autonomisation from the political left and of insertion of the cause in the economic sphere and the employers’ space of representation. The thesis goes on to show that that space is constituted by three poles which, on the discursive level, are more or less critical of or conforming to a dominant ideology of success characterised by the valorisation of educational meritocracy and elitism, a community interdict, and an injunction of acculturation and invisibilisation of the markers of difference. The analysis of the founders’trajectories, the members’ properties, the clubs’resources and relations with the economic and political sphere, as well as with the employers’ space of representation shows that the clubs’ stances toward the dominant ideology of success are linked to their class properties. Observation finally reveals internal social relation oscillating oscillating between competition and conviviality, depending on the club’s proximity with the employer’s space of representation and political or economic sphere.

In Dhaka, Bangladesh over five million people live in low-income, informal settlements (bustees) with limited access to basic services, secure land tenure and political voice. Whilst collective action among the urban poor is central to accessing affordable services and - when taken to scale - a broader politics of 'redistribution, recognition and representation' (Fraser 1997; 2005), little is known about how Dhaka's slum dwellers organise, and the extent to which this is (or can be) transformative. To deepen our understanding, this thesis utilises collective action theory to examine intra-group dynamics, the instrumental value of groups and broader context of urban governance that enables and/or constrains certain forms of collective action in Dhaka's bustees. Case studies of Community Based Organisations (CBOs) in three bustees are used as a lens to explore how slum dwellers organise to obtain basic services, such as water and sanitation. CBOs are disaggregated into two main types (externally or NGO-initiated and internally or leader-initiated) and sub-types (formal and informal), with three sub-themes; participation (leadership and membership), function (activities and responsibilities) and outcomes (equity and sustainability). A mixed qualitative toolkit, including in-depth observations of CBOs, interviews with CBO leaders, members, non-members and key-informant interviews with NGO, government officials and citywide urban poor groups, reveals the complex relationship between collective action, service provision and urban governance in Dhaka. Two key findings emerge. Firstly, similar patterns in participation and outcomes are observed regardless of CBO type, whereby politically-affiliated local leaders and house owners create, enter and/or use CBOs to address their strategic agendas, and reinforce their authority. This demonstrates that, as opposed to bounded groups, CBOs are in fact nodes of interconnected individuals, some of whom are better able to participate in (and benefit from) collective action, than others. Secondly, although collective action plays an increasingly important role in service provision in Dhaka (especially legal water supply), it is largely practical in nature (i.e. addressing immediate needs). In cases where it is more strategic (i.e. to access land and housing), or both practical and strategic (i.e. obtaining legal water supply to secure land), certain male local leaders seek to benefit over others. In all cases, transformative collective action is constrained. This, it is argued, relates to the broader context of urban governance that enables certain forms of collective action, while constraining others, in Dhaka's bustees. Three (interrelated) spheres of urban governance are identified as particularly important: 1) patron-centric state; 2) risk-averse and market-oriented development sector; and 3) clientelistic society. Whilst existing collective action theory has value for understanding intra-group dynamics, fieldwork suggests that the urban governance context is the overarching factor affecting collective action in Dhaka's bustees. The thesis concludes with potential ways forward.

No description available.

Malgré les améliorations portées à la détection des crues, à leurs prévisions et au perfectionnement des technologies de communication ces vingt dernières années, les systèmes d’alerte aux inondations restent soumis à des vulnérabilités et des incertitudes inhérentes à leur fonctionnement. En s’intéressant plus particulièrement au dispositif de Vigilance crues, ce travail questionne la manière dont les acteurs impliqués dans ce dispositif sociotechnique s’adaptent aux incertitudes et vulnérabilités auxquelles ils sont soumis. Ce travail s’appuie notamment sur le développement d’un modèle centré sur la notion de robustesse. D’une part, celui-ci permet de mieux saisir les processus qui conditionnent l’atteinte de l’objectif d’anticipation et d’amélioration de l’action collective organisée au cours d’une inondation. D’autre part, cette approche, en combinant les capacités à faire face des acteurs et les vulnérabilités du système, questionne les conditions socio-spatiales de la robustesse de la Vigilance crues au quotidien, i.e. en dehors des périodes de crues. Notre méthodologie repose sur plus de cent cinquante entretiens auprès des acteurs du système de vigilance dans le bassin Adour-Garonne. Il est ainsi démontré que la robustesse de ce système dépend (1) de la capacité des acteurs à faire face aux incertitudes et de leurs connaissances territoriales ; (2) de la mise en œuvre d’une approche intégrée qui tient compte des savoirs vernaculaires et des savoirs techniques ; (3) de rencontres régulières entre maires, services de gestion de crise et prévisionnistes, en particulier dans le cadre d’exercices inondation. Ainsi, se développent la confiance entre acteurs, l’apprentissage collectif et le renforcement de l’action collective en situations de crise. / Improving flood forecasting has become a technological race with major advances over the last 20 years. Moreover, communication technologies improvements have significantly increased the speed of warning dissemination. However, flood warning systems present inherent uncertainties and vulnerabilities. The present thesis questions how stakeholders involved in the French Flood Warning System (FFWS) deal with those uncertainties and vulnerabilities to achieve the aim of anticipation. Our approach is based on a conceptual model making use of the concept of robustness. We have applied this model to several flooded territories in the Adour-Garonne basin (France). Taking into account both vulnerability and coping capacities, we analyse the socio-spatial conditions that allows the robustness of the FFWS. A qualitative research methodology (150 semi-directive interviews) was adopted for the case studies. We demonstrate that (1) some vulnerabilities of the institutional warning can be overcome by the coping capacities and territorial knowledge of people at risk ; (2) the improvement of the FFWS can be achieved by the combination of both vernacular and scientific knowledges, and by an adaptation to local context ; (3) the reinforcement of the FFWS robustness depends on the upholding and the development of collective action, integrating people at-risk, crisis management services and forecasters through regular meetings and flood training exercises outside flooding periods. Such actions allow reinforcing collective action during crisis situations through the development of trustfulness.

Este trabalho propõe um estudo sobre o ciclo de movimentos reivindicatórios dos policiais militares brasileiros, ocorrido ao final do primeiro semestre do ano de 1997. As manifestações dos praças da Polícia Militar de Minas Gerais se tornaram um estandarte tático para a ação coletiva dos PMs de diversas localidades do território nacional. Quatorze estados integraram o ciclo nacional de protestos: Alagoas, Bahia, Ceará, Goiás, Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso do Sul, Minas Gerais, Pará, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Piauí, Rio Grande do Sul; e, sem movimento organizado, São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro. Narrativas, em história oral de vida, revelaram o diálogo entre as especificidades regionais e uma cultura policial militar nacionalmente constituída. Múltiplas questões, para o estudo da história dos movimentos sociais e da segurança pública no Brasil, foram problematizadas por meio de quatro redes de análise que indicam o repertório da ação coletiva policial militar: 1ª rede) Policiais militares de Minas Gerais: o início do ciclo de protestos; 2ª rede) Policiais militares de Alagoas, Ceará, Pernambuco e Pará: conflitos armados e ameaças; 3ª rede) Policiais militares da Paraíba, Bahia, Mato Grosso e Mato Grosso do Sul: acampamentos e negociações; 4ª rede) Policiais militares do Rio Grande do Sul, Piauí, Goiás, São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro: manifestações disciplinadas e articulações políticas à margem do ciclo de protestos. A crise policial militar brasileira representou conjuntura em que elementos próprios da corporação se desgastaram, mas não o suficiente para minar as bases institucionais. O trabalho indica possíveis conexões entre uma cultura policial militar, expressa pelos pilares militarizantes referentes a valores e normas institucionais, e preceitos relacionados à democratização que se passa nas sociedades contemporâneas. / The purpose of this research is to look at the movement cycle of Brazilian military police demands which occurred at the end of the first semester of 1997. The police officers protests in Minas Gerais became a tactical banner for military police collective actions in various parts of Brazil. Fourteen states participated in the first national protest cycle: Alagoas, Bahia, Ceará, Goiás, Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso do Sul, Minas Gerais, Pará, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Piauí, Rio Grande do Sul; and, without an organized movement, São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. Oral life history narratives revealed interactions between specific state-level military police groups and the nationally constituted organizational culture of the military police. Multiple issues of social movements and public safety in Brazil were addressed in four networks: 1st) Military Police in Minas Gerais: the beginning of the protest cycle cycle of protests; 2nd) Military Police of Alagoas, Ceará, Pernambuco and Pará: armed conflicts and threats; 3rd) Military Police of Paraíba, Bahia, Mato Grosso and Mato Grosso do Sul: encampments and negotiations; 4th) Military Police of Rio Grande do Sul, Piauí, Goiás, São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro: disciplined demonstrations and political articulation on the sidelines of the protest cycle. This analysis indicated different repertoires of collective action by the military police, which damaged the organizational elements, but not enough to undermine its institutional foundations. This research indicates possible connections between the organizational culture of the military police, expressed by the militarized precepts regarding institutional values and norms, and precepts of democratization prevalent in modern societies.

Nesta dissertação, investigo o processo de institucionalização do Movimento Negro no Brasil contemporâneo. Este fato social tem requerido uma progressiva profissionalização dos militantes, a formalização e burocratização das organizações, bem como novas estratégicas de mobilização de recursos e especialização do ativismo. Em grande medida, essa institucionalização está ligada ao modo pelo qual o movimento se apropriou das oportunidades políticas oferecidas pelo Estado e pelo ambiente civil a partir da redemocratização brasileira. A dinâmica das organizações e o estilo dos protestos negros, objetos empíricos deste trabalho, expressam o modo como a ação coletiva negra se insere no cenário político atual. / In this dissertation I analyse the institutionalization of black movement in Contemporary Brazil. This social fact have been imply progressive professionalization of militants, more formal and bureaucratic organizations, new strategies to resource mobilizations and specialization of activism. The institutionalization is related to the way through the movement used the political opportunities offered by state and environment civil since the emergency of Brazilian democracy in the 1980s. The dynamic of organizations and the style of black protest, empiric objects of this work, express how the collective actions inside nowdays political context.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:13:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2007-William Santos de Assis.pdf: 2180560 bytes, checksum: fadc8fef7b7cbcb13e4221231aae5c1c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-02-27 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / This study has thought to investigate what sense the collective actions from the family farmers and theirs representative entities have assumed in the southeast of Par? in recent years. Therefore we took as the research universe the complex process of the struggle for the social and political recognition of the family farmers and theirs representative entities. Moving through the different processes that transformed the region social, economical and environmental way, we can confirm that the landholders and the family farmers on the southeast of Par? had imposed themselves as an important social actor for the regional development through an intense struggle for rights and a hard political activity of their representants. The permanent mobilisation of these actors and a variable repertoire of collective actions have made their position stronger in the regional social space and have influenced the political ways of the state, especially those directioned to the creation of the settlements. / Esta tese procurou compreender o sentido que as a??es coletivas dos agricultores familiares e de suas entidades representativas t?m assumido no sudeste paraense nos ?ltimos anos. Para tanto, tomamos como universo da pesquisa o complexo processo de luta pelo reconhecimento social e pol?tico dos agricultores familiares e suas entidades de representa??o. Percorrendo os diferentes processos que transformaram econ?mica, ambiental e socialmente a regi?o, podemos afirmar que os posseiros e os agricultores familiares do sudeste paraense se afirmaram como ator social de import?ncia para o desenvolvimento regional por meio de uma intensa luta por direitos e uma ?rdua atividade pol?tica de seus representantes. A mobiliza??o permanente desses atores e um variado repert?rio de a??o coletiva t?m fortalecido sua posi??o no espa?o social regional e influenciado os rumos da pol?tica do Estado, principalmente as direcionadas a cria??o de assentamentos.

Submitted by Rosivalda Pereira (mrs.pereira@ufma.br) on 2017-10-02T20:47:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LuzineleAlcobaca.pdf: 2795462 bytes, checksum: 839ee4c9557c04b62b66c20f5e3791ae (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-02T20:47:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LuzineleAlcobaca.pdf: 2795462 bytes, checksum: 839ee4c9557c04b62b66c20f5e3791ae (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-06 / This study is related to the discussions about Militant Engagement and particularly deals with the affirmation process of a housing association and its political entrepreneurs in the São Luís metropolitan region. The emergence of this collective agent in 2003 was the local reflection of the change that occurred in the relationship between social movements and the government noticed in the period of redemocratization in Brazil. From this, we observed a relative degree of inclusion of popular sectors in political and administrative institutions. In the Luís Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff governments, the experiences so-called "participatory” have multiplied and become institutionalized. In this manner, social movement organizations activated the "right to the city," "urban reform," and "self-management" symbols have gained ground in planning and implementing housing estates for the grassroots in different parts of the country. In this context, the research attempted to comprehend how the State Association for Support of Popular Housing became representative of the "housing cause" in Maranhão and to trace its specificities, the delineations that such collective agent gave to the issue housing locally, realizing in the process the political role of representation and mediation of this mediator and his individual spokespersons. Thus, this research on a social organization and the militant engagement of its representatives was problematized from the perspective of historical sociology and militant engagement sociology, highlighting the social properties of those who engage, their accumulated attributes, resources detained, individual predispositions to militancy and, on a more general level, to the opportunity spheres and constraining under which this occurs. Considering the genetic, relational and sociographic perspective, the results were obtained through archival research, documentary, participant observation and interviews made with both the organization militants and some activists who graduated from this "problematic" in Maranhão in the first semester 2016. / Este estudo faz parte das discussões acerca do Engajamento Militante e trata, especificamente, do processo de afirmação de uma associação habitacional e de seus empreendedores políticos na região metropolitana de São Luís/MA. A emergência desse agente coletivo em 2003 foi o reflexo local da mudança ocorrida na relação entre movimentos sociais e Estado observada no período de redemocratização do Brasil. Observou-se a partir daí relativo grau de inclusão de setores populares nas instituições político administrativas. Nos governos de Luís Inácio Lula da Silva e Dilma Rousseff as experiências ditas “participativas” se multiplicaram e se institucionalizaram. Aí organizações de movimentos sociais acionando os símbolos “direito à cidade”, “reforma urbana” e “autogestão” ganharam espaço no planejamento e implementação de conjuntos habitacionais para as camadas populares em várias partes do país. Nesse contexto, a pesquisa tentou compreender como a Associação Estadual de Apoio à Moradia Popular se tornou representante da “causa habitacional” no Maranhão e localizar suas especificidades, os delineamentos que tal agente coletivo deu à questão habitacional localmente, percebendo no processo o papel político de representação e mediação desse agente e de seus porta-vozes individuais. Assim, esta pesquisa sobre uma organização social e o engajamento militante de seus representantes foi problematizada na perspectiva da sociologia histórica e sociologia do engajamento militante, dando relevo às propriedades sociais daqueles que se engajam, seus atributos acumulados, recursos detidos, predisposições individuais para a militância e, no plano mais geral, às esferas de oportunidades e constrangimentos sob as quais isso ocorre. Considerando a perspectiva genética, relacional e sociográfica, os resultados foram obtidos por meio de pesquisa arquivística, documental, observação participante e por meio de realização de entrevistas tanto com os militantes da entidade quanto com alguns ativistas egressos dessa “problemática” no Maranhão no primeiro semestre de 2016