This thesis presents a foreign policy decision-making analysis of Kazakhstan's foreign relations in the initial post-independence period. The study applies a neoclassical realist theoretical framework in order to provide the understanding of Kazakhstan's external behaviour. The thesis conceptually assumes that the integration of the presidential decision-making element in the analysis of the republic's foreign policy is essential to account for Kazakhstan's foreign strategies, which would otherwise appear to be anomalous from the deterministic perspective of the structural theories of international relations. The set objective of the work is to produce a theoretically informed historical narratives of Almaty's policymaking during three episodes in the republic's diplomatic history – the elaboration of a distinct balancing strategy; the relinquishment of the nuclear arsenal; and the Nagorno-Karabakh peace mission. The reconstruction of events behind the decisions made by president Nursultan Nazarbayev and his key advisors through the assessment of primary materials sourced from the archives of Kazakhstani foreign policy demonstrates that foreign decision-making process played a crucial role in the identification of national interests and development of appropriate policy responses in each of the episodes under examination. Chapter IV illustrates how the nation's policymakers developed a unique balancing strategy to ascertain the country's sovereignty and eliminate security risks under overwhelming geopolitical pressures that emanated from Russia and China. Chapter V discusses the episode when Nazarbayev was subjected to direct international pressure to surrender the inherited Soviet nuclear arsenal on the terms imposed by the USA, in response to which Nazarbayev devised a deliberately ambivalent and protracted strategy in regard to the republic's nuclear status. Chapter VI reveals the adaptability of the republic's policymaking to the changing international context as the regression of the Nagorno-Karabakh peace initiative demonstrates. The exposition of intricate policy planning and profound diplomatic endeavours reflected in archival documents reinforces the thesis's premise about the non-deterministic nature of Kazakhstan's foreign policy.

There is a rising tendency among countries to prioritise some sports over others and make higher investments of money and resources in their elite development (Green and Oakley, 2001). Such policies and strategies are adopted in the UK, too. Some sports are considered more likely to bring Olympic medals than others and therefore, they are targeted to receive higher funding. Those placed outside the selection are more likely to face challenges in practices to develop their winning potential. Following further research in this occurrence, authors have sought evidences for an inter-relation between funding and performance (Garrett, 2004; Green, 2005; De Bosscher, et.al 2006). In addition, some have explored other influential factors and have stressed on the importance of participation in sport, as the quality and quantity of the talent pool plays a vital role in elite athletes’ development (Sam, 2012; Girginov and Hills, 2008; Shibli, 2012). As a result of an in-depth research, an extensive academic knowledge on Elite Sports policies and sport development has been built, as well as on each of the concepts of funding, performance and participation. There are many studies focused on the case of the UK in particular (Houlihan, 2004; Green, 2006). However, fewer authors have studied these concepts in pairs (mainly funding and performance), and none have examined the relationship and impacts of all three (Grix and Phillpots, 2011; Vayens, et.al 2009; Martindale, et.al 2007). This research will aim to establish if such relationship exists between Olympic sports funding distribution, Olympic performance, and national participation numbers. It will provide a critical review of the British sport system and relevant policies, and it will explore where the written policies do not reflect the relevant actions undertaken. Using mixed methods the impacts of the applied policies will be critically discussed. The gap this study aims to fulfil will contribute to the existing knowledge on elite sport development by providing a better understanding on how funding, performance and participation are related and the impacts some taken-for-granted assumptions have caused.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Strategies for South Africa’s development are often analysed from a predominantly economic perspective, overlooking the key role that political and sociocultural elements play in the developmental process. This study will assess possible development strategies by making use of the modern world-systems (MWS) theoretical perspective, due to the theory’s holistic approach to development. The question is posed whether South Africa – in accordance with the MWS perspective – will be able to ascend from its current semi-peripheral position in the hierarchy of the modern world-system to the core group of states by 2025. The components for national development are all-encompassing and require an increase in state strength, long-term economic development, and domestic and international sociocultural influence. Prospects for South Africa’s ascent to the core have been explored within a 15-20 year time period because the capitalist world-economy is currently still in a phase of contraction, or B-phase of growth (1973-2025). The modern world-systems theoretical approach asserts that country mobility is more likely during this phase and that ascent in the hierarchy will be increasingly difficult when the world-economy begins its expansionary phase around 2025. The study concludes that South Africa faces numerous external and internal constraints to its development, despite the noteworthy economic, political and sociocultural incentives that it could potentially capitalise on over the next fifteen years. It is anticipated that these constraints will place the country in a position whereby it will be unable to reap the benefits of the most optimal developmental strategies put forward by the modern world-systems approach; hence it will be severely challenged to attain core status by 2025. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Strategieë vir die ontwikkeling van Suid-Afrika word meerendeels geanaliseer vanuit ‘n hoofsaaklike ekonomiese invalshoek en dit het tot gevolg dat die rol wat politieke en sosio-kulturele aspekte in die ontwikkelingsproses speel nie op ag geslaan word nie. Die studie evalueer moontlike ontwikkelings-strategieë vir Suid-Afrika deur gebruik te maak van die moderne wêreld-sisteem teoretiese benadering (MWS) wat ‘n meer holistiese perspektief op ontwikkeling bied. Die vraag word gevra of Suid- Afrika – in ooreenstemming met die uitganspunte van MWS - teen 2025 sal kan vorder tot die kategorie van “kern-staat”, vanaf sy huidige status as “semi-periferale staat”. Die allesomvattende komponente vir ontwikkeling wat MWS identifiseer vereis die groei van staatskapasiteit, langtermyn ekonomiese ontwikkeling, en die uitbreiding van regionale en internasionale sosio-kulturele invloed. Die vooruitsigte vir Suid-Afrika se opgang is nagevors oor die verloop van ‘n 15-20 jaar tydperk, aangesien die kapitalistiese wêreld-ekonomie tans in ‘n fase van kontraksie verkeer (B-fase van groei) tussen 1973-2025. Die MWS benadering argumenteer dat opwaartse mobiliteit van state meer waarskynlik is tydens ‘n B-fase van groei en dat opgang moeiliker sal word wanneer die wêreld-ekonomie weer ‘n ekspansionistiese fase van groei betree in 2025. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat Suid-Afrika se ontwikkelings-uitdagings deur beide eksterne en interne faktore bemoeilik word, nieteenstaande moontlike sterkpunte op ekonomiese, politieke en sosio-kulturele gebied waarop dit sou kon kapitaliseer oor die volgende 15 jaar. Hierdie faktore, word geargumenteer, sal veroorsaak dat die optimale ontwikkelingstrategieë wat deur ander state gevolg is, nie deur Suid-Afrika nagevolg sal kan word nie, en dat gevolglik, sonder innoverende strategieë, die kanse dat die land kern-status teen 2025 sal bereik, gering is.

Thesis (MA (Political Science ))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006. / The accession of the China to the World Trade Organization represents one of the most significant political-economic events since the close of the Cold War. China’s distinctive political and socio-economic history has made its process of accession unlike that of any other member-nation of the WTO. This study aims to answer the questions of how and to what extent has China complied with its WTO commitments that apply to the life insurance sector. In order to answer these questions, this study employs the qualitative method of evaluation of describing China’s post-accession behavior then comparing that behavior to the liberalization commitments contained in China’s accession protocol and its service schedule. Upon examination of the evidence, it appears that China has been partially compliant with the WTO-related commitments in the life insurance sector. China’s compliance with market access commitments in area of ownership structure exhibits a compromise between the interests of other WTO members. China’s liberalization of geographic restrictions shows that China’s interest in even development of its insurance market also figures into its decision to comply. China’s compliance with commitments regarding licensing, however, appears to show a maneuvering around obligations in order to protect the domestic life insurance industry. While rational functionalist approaches are more helpful in explaining China’s compliance behavior in regards to market access commitments, constructivist normative approaches are more in explaining China’s compliance behavior in regards to its general commitments. Compliance behavior with regard to transparency-related commitments in the life insurance sector reflects socialization or an adjustment to the WTO-norm of transparency. Compliance behavior in with regard to judicial review-related commitments in the life insurance sector reflects an adjustment to the WTO-norm in policy, but this norm is rarely observed in practice. In sum, China’s compliance behavior in regards to commitments in the life insurance sector has generally been compliant with few exceptions. However, all judgments on compliance are generally subject because they reflect the interests of the parties involved. The true test of China’s compliance will begin after full accession in 2007, when WTO members are allowed to files cases against China in the WTO dispute resolution panel.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Very little attention has been paid in South Africa to the situations where grandmothers have become surrogate parents to their grandchildren and other vulnerable children who have been left destitute due to the HIV/Aids epidemic. These women, who are in great need of support are not directly factored into Aids-related policy and care strategies, even though they play a vital role in assuming the roles of surrogate parents to their grandchildren. Clearly elderly women are valuable resources and are both crucial and valuable for the role they play in the care of both Aids sufferers and Aids orphans. Grandmothers who assume such care-giving roles are not receiving specific and targeted support from government structures. Instead they only benefit peripherally from the legislation within the jurisdiction of Department of Social Development and the programs that are established by them. This study determined where government social and welfare polices can improve the quality of life of black female pensioners who are taking care of their orphaned grandchildren and other vulnerable children. Policy makers need to recognise that grandmothers are increasingly obliged to assume care-giving responsibilities for dying adult children and later for orphans, when their own physical and cognitive abilities may be declining. Instead of using their state pensions to enjoy their old age and spend their money on looking after their health, proper housing etc., black female pensioners are forced to assume additional responsibilities in looking after orphaned grandchildren and other vulnerable children who require food, clothing, proper housing, education etc. Such expenses imply that their pensions are not put to their intended uses. Due to their advanced age they find it increasingly difficult to earn income to support young children. Until now the South African government has done little to support older women who find themselves in such precarious circumstances and to recognise their invaluable contributions. Various recommendations are made in the report to improve this situation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Baie min aandag is tot dusver nog in Suid-Afrika geskenk aan die omstandighede waar grootmoeders hulself bevind in die posisie van surrogaat ouer vir hul kleinkinders en ander kwesbare kinders wat haweloos gelaat is as gevolg van die HIVNigs epidemie. Hierdie vroue wat ondersteuning dringend nodig het, is nie regstreeks in berekening gebring by die verskeie Vigs beleide en ander versorginstrategiee en maatreels nie, al speel hulle 'n beslissende rol as surrogaat ouers vir hulle kleinkinders. Dit is duidelik dat bejaarde vroue 'n waardevolle hulpbron is en 'n onskatbare en onmisbare rol speel by die versorging van sowel Vigs Iyers as kinders wat weens Vigs ouerloos is. Grootmoeders wat hierdie versorgingsrolle aanvaar, ontvang geen spesifieke en doelgerigte ondersteuning van regeringstrukture nie. Instede daarvan trek hulle net voordeel uit wetgewing binne die jurisdiksie van Department van Openbare Welsyn en die programme wat daaruit mag voortvloei. Hierdie studie het vas gestel hoe die bestaande open bare en welsynsbeleide aangepas kan word om die lewenskwalitiet van swart vroulike pensioenarise wat vir hul ouerlose kleinkinders en ander kwesbare kinders sorg, te verbeter. Beleidmakers moet besef dat grootmoeders toenemend verplig word om om te sien na die versorging van hul eie sterwende volwasse kinders en mettertyd die versoging van dieselfde gestorwenes se kinders wat wees agtergelaat word. Hierdie toedrag van sake ontvou in 'n stadium wanneer hierdie vroue se eie fisiese krag en kognitiewe vaardighede waarskynlik reeds aan die afneem is. Instede daarvan dat hierdie vroue die staatspensioen gebruik om hul oudag te geniet en om te sien na hulle eie gesondheid, behoorlike behuising edm., is swart vroulike pensioenarisse verplig om hierdie beperkte fondse aan te wend vir die versorging, voeding, behuising en onderrig van hul ouerlose kleinkinders en ander kwesbare kinders. Sulke onkostes impliseer dat hul pensioen nie aangewend word vir die doel waarvoor dit ingestel is nie. Weens hul hoe ouderdom is dit vir hierdie vroue al hoe moeiliker om 'n inkomste te genereer om vir jong kinders te sorgo Tot nog toe het die Suid-Afrikaanse regering weinig gedoen om ouer vroue wat hulself in hierdie benarde omstandighede bevind, te ondersteun of om hul onskatbare bydrae te erken. Verskeie voorstelle word in hierdie verslag gemaak om die situasie te verbeter.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates the impact of foreign aid on the relations between Non- Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and the state in South Africa since 1994. There are three different ways in which NGOs can interact with the state and public policy: viz. they can support and help to implement policies, attempt to reform policies, or oppose them. During apartheid, the nature of NGO-state relations was characterised by political confrontation and distrust. NGOs primarily served as organisations of opposition to the state's exclusivist and dehumanising policies. Many NGOs, however, also provided developmental and social services to communities who were neglected by the apartheid state. After the first democratic election in 1994, the role of NGOs underwent a significant process of change. Various factors contributed to this change. This study, however, primarily focuses on the role of foreign aid and its effect on NGO activities in South Africa, post-1994. This study relied on secondary data sources (both qualitative and quantitative) available in the area of NGO state relations. The study also focused on two major donor agencies in South Africa: European Union (EU) and United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Analysis of data reveals that, since 1994 much of the funding that was previously directly channeled to civil society now goes to the state, which distributes it to targetted NGOs. As a result many NOOs have collapsed because of a shortage of financial resources to sustain their work. Secondly, since 1994 the rationale and purpose behind international donor policies has been to advance the New Policy Agenda (NPA), which is aimed at promoting free market-orientated reforms and the consolidation of liberal democracy. As a result, foreign aid donors have endorsed the liberal economic policies, which are set out in the government's macroeconomic strategy, viz. Growth, Employment, and Redistribution (GEAR). Thus, both government and donors have prioritised NGOs who are involved in service delivery rather than those that are likely to challenge and oppose liberal market policies. They have also shown preference to NGOs that are more concerned with the norms and practices of procedural democracy as opposed to those that are concerned with issues of participatory and social democracy. This has resulted in constraining the overtly political and advocacy role, which characterised NGOs during the apartheid era. International donors, via government disbursement institutions such as the National Development Agency (NDA), have also constrained the work of NGOs by insisting on numerous managerial related requirements that have been made conditional for the receiving of financial support. Many small, informal, rural community based organisation that lack the required administrative capacity have, as a result, been facing serious financial crises. Subsequently, NGO-state relations, since 1994, have become less adversarial and confrontational. Most NGOs, complement and support the state's social services delivery programmes and also serve as organisations which help shape the norms and practices of procedural democracy. The study concludes, that the persistent inequality, poverty and unemployment which is associated with the GEAR macroeconomic policy and endorsed by international donor agencies, will lead to the resurgence of advocacy NGOs. Furthermore, in order to resuscitate their role and to ensure their vitality as organisations, which promote participatory democracy, it is essential to focus on strategies, which can effectively challenge the current funding environment to NGOs. These include, building the administrative capacity of both the NDA and NGOs, ensuring NDA independence, and ensuring recognition by funding institutions of the importance of advocacy NGOs in the consolidation of economic democracy. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die impak van buitelandse hulp op die verhoudinge tussen Nie-Regeringsorganisasies (NRO'S) en die staat sedert 1994. Daar is drie verskillende wyses waarop NRO's interaksie kan bewerkstellig met die staat en met openbare beleid, naamlik, hulle kan help om beleid te implementeer, hulle kan help om beleid te verander, of hulle kan beleid teenstaan. Tydens apartheid, is die aard van NRO - staat verhoudings gekenmerk deur konfrontasie en wantroue. Die NRO's het primêr gedien as organisasies van opposrsie teen die staat se eksklusiwistiese en onmenslikingsbeleid. Talle NRO's het egter ook ontwikkelings- en sosiale dienste voorsien aan gemeenskappe wat afgeskeep is deur die apartheidstaat. Na die eerste demokratiese verkiesing in 1994, het die rol van NRO's 'n beduidende proses van verandering ondergaan. 'n Verskeidenheid faktore het bygedra tot hierdie verandering. Hierdie studie fokus egter primêr op die rol van buitelandse hulp en die uitwerking daarvan op NRO's se aktiwiteite in Suid-Afrika na 1994. Hierdie studie het staatgemaak op sekondêre bronne (kwalitatief sowel as kwantitatief) in die gebied van NRO's - staat verhoudinge. Die studie fokus ook op twee belangrike donateur agentskappe in Suid-Afrika: die Europese Unie (EU) en die Verenigde State Agentskap vir Internasionale Ontwikkeling (VSAlO). 'n Analise van die data toon aan dat, sedert 1994, heelwat van die befondsing wat voorheen direk gekanaliseer is aan die openbare gemeenskap, nou na die staat gaan, wat dit versprei na geteikende NRO's. Gevolglik het talle NRO's ineengestort vanweë 'n tekort aan finansiële bronne om hulle werk vol te hou. Tweedens, sedert 1994 was dit die rasionaal en doelstelling van internasionale donateurskapsbeleid om die Nuwe Beleid Agenda (NBA) te bevorder, wat as doelstelling het die bevordering van vrye mark-georiënteerde hervormings en die konsolidasie van 'n liberale demokrasie. Gevolglik het buitelandse hulp donateurs liberale ekonomiese beleidvorming onderskryfwat uiteengesit word in die regering se makro-ekonomiese strategie, nl. Groei, Werkverskaffing en Herverdeling (GEAR). Dus het sowel die regering as donateurs prioriteit gegee aan NRO's wat betrokke is in dienslewering, eerder as dié wat geneig is om liberale markbeleid teen te staan. Hulle het ook voorkeur gegee aan NRO's wat meer besorg is oor die norme en praktyke van 'n prosedurele demokrasie in teenstelling met dié wat besorgd is oor die vraagstukke van 'n deelnemende en sosiale demokrasie. Dit het die resultaat gehad dat die openlike politiese en kampvegtersrol wat kenmerkend van die NRO's was gedurende die apartheidsera, beperk is. Internasionale donateurs het, Vla regerings-instellings soos die Nasionale Ontwikkelingsagentskap (NOA), ook die werk van NRO's beperk deur die aandrang op talle bestuursverwante vereistes wat as voorwaarde gestel is vir die ontvangs van finansiële ondersteuning. Talle klein, informele landelike gemeenskaps-gebaseerde organisasies wat die vereiste administratiewe kapasiteit kort, het gevolglik ernstige finansiële krisisse begin ondervind. Daaropvolgend, het NRO-staat verhoudinge sedert 1994 minder konfronterend begin raak. Die meeste NRO's ondersteun die staat se diensleweringsprogramme en dien ook as organisasies wat help om die norme en praktyke van 'n prosedurale demokrasie te vorm. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die voortdurende ongelykheid, armoede en werkloosheid wat geassosieer word met die makro-ekonomiese beleid van die regering se program vir Groei, Werkskepping en Herverdeling (GEAR) sal lei tot In nuwe opkoms van kampvegter NRO's. Voorts, ten einde hulle rol te stimuleer en hulle lewenskragtigheid as organisasies te verseker, kan ons die huidige befondsingsomgewing van NRO's doeltreffend uitdaag. Dit sluit in die bou van die administratiewe kapasiteit van beide die NOA en NRO's, die versekering van NOA onafhanklikheid, en die versekering van die erkenning deur befondsingsinstellings van die belangrikheid van kampvegter NRO's in die konsolidasie van 'n ekonomiese demokrasie.

Thesis (PhD (Public Management and Planning))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Please refer to full text for abstract

Thesis (LLD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The worsening scarcity of fresh water resources has led to an increasing number of people without sustainable access to safe water across the globe. Water privatisation has been presented as the panacea to addressing the global water crisis. Privatisation of water has heightened the impetus for the explicit recognition of water as a human right. This dissertation seeks to establish the legal status of the right to water under international human rights law. The dissertation further attempts to ascertain the scope and normative content of such a right. In order to answer these questions, this dissertation carries out a detailed analysis of the possible legal basis, scope and normative content of the right to water under international human rights law. The principal question that arises is how a State can ensure compliance with its human rights obligations in the event of involvement of non-State actors such as private corporations in the management and distribution of water services. This dissertation‘s main hypothesis is that although privatisation of water services does not relieve the State of its legal responsibility under international human rights law, such privatisation imposes certain obligations on private actors consistent with the right to water. The dissertation goes beyond articulating normative considerations and looks at implementation at the national level by highlighting good practices on the practical implementation of the right to water consistent with the normative standards imposed by the right. The dissertation‘s key contribution is its development of an accountability model to ensure that States and private actors involved in the provision of water services have clearly designated roles and responsibilities consistent with the human right to water. If properly implemented, the model has the potential to give greater specification to the normative commitments imposed by the right to water in privatisation scenarios. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die verergerende skaarste van vars water bronne het aanleiding gegee tot die toename in die hoeveelheid mense sonder volhoubare toegang tot veilige water oor die hele aarde. Dit word aangevoer dat die privatisering van water die wondermiddel is om die globale water krisis aan te spreek. Die privatisering van water het aanleiding gegee tot 'n verskerpte aandrang om water uitdruklik te erken as 'n mensereg. Hierdie proefskrif poog om die regsstatus van die reg tot water te vestig binne die raamwerk van internasionale menseregte. Die proefskrif probeer verder om vas te stel wat die omvang en normatiewe inhoud van so 'n reg sal wees. Vervolgens voltrek hierdie proefskrif 'n uitvoerige analise van die moontlike regsbasis, omvang en normatiewe inhoud van die reg tot water binne die raamwerk van internasionale menseregte. Die vernaamste vraag wat opduik is hoe 'n Staat kan verseker dat sy menseregte verpligtinge nagekom word waar nie-Regeringsrolspelers soos korporasies betrokke is by die bestuur en distribusie van waterdienste. Die kern hipotese van hierdie proefskrif is dat alhoewel die privatisering van waterdienste nie die Staat verlig van sy regsverpligtinge in terme van internasionale menseregte nie, sodanige privatisering sekere verpligtinge aan privaatrolspelers voorskryf wat in lyn is met die reg op water. Hierdie proefskrif gaan verder as die artikulering van normatiewe oorwegings en kyk ook na die implementering op nasionale vlak deur goeie praktyke uit te lig met betrekking tot die prakiese implementering van die reg tot water wat konsekwent is met die normatiewe standaarde wat die reg voorskryf. Die kern bydrae van hierdie proefskrif is die ontwikkeling van 'n aanspreeklikheismodel wat versker dat Regerings en privaat rolspelers wat betrokke is by die voorsiening van waterdienste duidelik aangewysde funksies en verantwoordelikhede het wat in lyn is met die reg tot water. Indien hierdie model behoorlik implementeer word, het dit die potensiaal om grooter spesifikasie te gee aan die normatiewe verpligtinge wat deur die reg tot water voorgeskryf word in privatiserings scenarios.

Thesis (MAcc)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Globally, climate change is probably the biggest environmental challenge facing the world this century. To accommodate change, the South African government introduced a vehicle emission tax on 1 September 2010. However, the design of the vehicle emission tax focuses on consumers and it might not be most effective in reducing CO2 emissions to the desired level. Therefore, alternative initiatives need to be identified and implemented to address increasing CO2 emissions. A “feebate” policy is considered as a possible alternative to reduce CO2 emissions. A literature review was performed on the topic of “feebate” policies and current tax legislation that could encourage vehicle manufacturers to invest in energy-efficient technology aimed at reducing CO2 emissions. Based on the literature review, a qualitative empirical study was conducted by means of a questionnaire, which was distributed to nine vehicle manufacturers in South Africa. The study specifically focused on vehicle manufacturers as they have the opportunity to design, develop and introduce energy-efficient technology, which could reduce CO2 emissions. Results suggest that a “feebate” policy that leads to costs savings should be considered by government to encourage vehicle manufacturers to invest in energy-efficient technology in order to lower CO2 emissions. It was also noted that, in general, the provisions of the current Income Tax Act No. 58 of 1962 provides little incentive to encourage vehicle manufacturers to invest in energy-efficient technologies to reduce CO₂ emissions. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Wêreldwyd is klimaatverandering waarskynlik die grootste uitdaging wat die wêreld in die gesig staar die eeu. Die Suid-Afrikaanse regering het op 1 September 2010 ʼn voertuig uitlatingsbelasting ingestel om verandering te akkommodeer. Aangesien die ontwerp van voertuig uitlatingsbelasting egter fokus op die verbruiker, is dit moontlik nie die effektiefste manier om CO2-uitlatings te verminder en tot ʼn aanvaarbare vlak nie. Dus moet alternatiewe inisiatiewe geïdentifiseer en geïmplementeer word om toenemende CO2-uitlatings aan te spreek. ʼn “Feebate” beleid word oorweeg as ʼn moontlike alternatief om CO2-uitlatings te verminder. ʼn Literatuurstudie is uitgevoer rakende die onderwerp van “feebate” beleide en huidige belastingwetgewing wat voertuigvervaardigers kan motiveer om te investeer in energie effektiewe tegnologie wat gemik is daarop om CO2-uitlatings te beperk. Gebaseer op die literatuurstudie is ʼn kwalitatiewe empiriese studie uitgevoer deur middel van ʼn vraelys, wat aan al nege voertuigvervaardigers in Suid-Afrika gestuur is. Die studie het spesifiek op voertuigvervaardigers gefokus, omrede hulle die geleentheid het om energie effektiewe tegnologie te ontwerp, te ontwikkel en voor te stel wat CO2-uitlatings kan verminder. Resultate dui daarop dat die regering ʼn “feebate” beleid, wat sal lei tot kostebesparing, behoort te oorweeg om sodoende voertuigvervaardigers te motiveer om in energie effektiewe tegnologie te investeer om CO2-uitlatings te verlaag. Daar is ook bevind dat die huidige Inkomstebelastingwet No. 58 van 1962 oor die algemeen min insentief verskaf om voertuigvervaardigers te motiveer om in energie effektiewe tegnologie te investeer om CO2-uitlatings te verlaag.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis, presented in six thematic chapters, investigates an approach for promoting the growth of small businesses in South Africa. Chapter 1 motivates the thesis by discussing the contested role of small businesses in reducing unemployment and fostering social equity. Chapter 2 reviews the small business development policy in South Africa and explicates the socioeconomic conditions underpinning the policy. Chapters 3, 4 and 5 are empirical analyses using data from the World Bank Enterprise Surveys of 2003 and 2007, and the World Bank Financial Crisis Survey of 2010 to determine key impediments to the growth of small businesses and characteristics of firms creating and retaining most jobs in South Africa. Chapter 3 uses two methods to investigate the key impediments. The first method is based on a count of obstacles that entrepreneurs rate as seriously affecting enterprise operations. The second estimates the effects of the obstacles on growth through sequential multivariate regressions and identifies binding constraints for different categories of firms. It emerges that medium-sized firms are mildly affected by most obstacles but micro and small firms are significantly affected by crime, electricity and transportation problems. The chapter provides important insight on the sequencing of interventions to address the impediments to growth. Chapter 4 studies the finance constraint. It evaluates the importance of the constraint firstly by assessing whether firms rating finance as a serious problem underperform firms rating the problem as less important. Thereafter, the chapter studies the experiences of firms when seeking external finance and identifies four levels of the finance constraint. Using an ordered logit model and a binary logit model, the chapter explores the profile of financially constrained firms. Results show that firms owned by ethnic groups disadvantaged in the apartheid era are more likely to be credit-constrained. The results also suggest that the likelihood of being credit-constrained decreases with higher levels of formal education. The results inform policy on the types of firms that financial interventions must target. Chapter 5 builds on a growing body of evidence which shows that a small proportion of firms in an economy account for over 50 percent of net new jobs. The evidence from the literature suggests that such high-growth enterprises have distinct characteristics that could make it possible for interventions to nurture or for other firms to emulate. The chapter employs two methods to investigate the characteristics of high-growth firms. The first is logit regression, which the investigation uses to determine characteristics of firms that create more jobs than the average firm. The characteristics are also interacted to identify interaction terms most associated with growth. The second method is quantile regression, which makes it possible to assess the importance of each characteristic for firms in different levels of growth rates. The results show that the typical high-growth firm is more likely to be black-owned. The results of the chapter however highlight the need for further research into characteristics that may perhaps explain high-growth firms more robustly than variables in the survey instrument. The research ends with a summary, a discussion of areas of further research, and policy recommendations in Chapter 6.