Gun-free zones have the potential to increase or decrease the risk of gun crime and active shootings that occur within their borders. People who assume that gun-free zones increase gun related outcomes believe that the lack of the ability for law-abiding citizens to carry a firearm, and thus an inability to engage in defensive gun use if a threat presented itself, makes gun-free zones a soft target for crime. Those that assume gun-free zones decrease gun related outcomes believe the absence of firearms eliminates the risk of an escalation of violence to gunfire. Up until this point, there has been no quantitative research on the effectiveness of gun-free zones, despite the topic being highly controversial. This dissertation was therefore the first to: create and describe a dataset of active shootings in the United States, and assess the extent to which defensive gun use occurs during these events (Aim 1); conduct a cross-sectional ecological analysis for the in St. Louis, Missouri (2019), both city and county, comparing the proportion of crimes committed with a firearm that occur in gun-free school zones compared to gun-allowing zones immediately surrounding the gun-free zone to quantify the effectiveness of gun-free school zones and (Aim 2); conduct a spatial ecological case-control study in the United States where cases are the locations or establishments of active shootings between 2014 and 2020, to quantify the impact of gun-free zones on active shootings, and assess if active shooters target gun-free zones (Aim 3). The results of Aim 1 of this study suggested that defensive gun use during active shootings was rare, usually does not stop the attack, and does not decrease the number of casualties compared to active shootings without defensive use. Aim 1 also thoroughly described the novel active shooting dataset. I found in Aim 2 that gun-free school zones had fewer crimes committed with a firearm than corresponding gun-allowing zones in St. Louis, MO in 2019. There were 13.4% fewer crimes involving a firearm in gun-free school zones, with a confidence interval ranging from 23.6% fewer to 1.8% fewer (p-value: 0.025). Aim 3 determined that the conditional odds of an active shooting in an establishment that was gun-free were 0.375 times the odds of an active shooting in a gun-allowing establishment with a confidence interval ranging from 0.193 to 0.728 (p-value<0.01), suggesting that gun-free zones did not attract active shooters, and may even be preventative. In conclusion, gun-free zones did not appear to increase gun related outcomes and may even be protective against active shootings. Efforts across the United States to repeal laws related to gun-free zones, due to the belief that gun-free zones are targeted for violence, are therefore not backed by data. However, these are the first quantitative studies ever conducted on the effectiveness of gun-free zones, so more research is needed to build on the results of this dissertation.

No description available.

Annually firearms kill more than 30,000 individuals and injure more than 50,000 individuals, resulting in costs of $45 million to over $1 billion in the United States. Traditionally firearms were addressed as a criminal justice problem, but for more than 30 years, public health and injury prevention specialists have worked to address the problem of firearm injuries through surveillance, education, research, and laws. Firearm legislation is multijurisdictional across the federal, state, and local governments, but the majority of activity is at the state levels. Firearm injury prevention efforts must navigate a politically diverse arena dominated by social regulatory politics in order to affect change. This study presents newly analyzed data on seven firearms laws: child access prevention, minimum age to purchase/possess a handgun, stand your ground, large capacity ammunition limits, Saturday night specials and assault weapons bans. A goal of the study was to create a 50 states longitudinal dataset in order to investigate the relationship between internal state political and demographics characteristics and firearm policy diffusion. The study findings are presented across three manuscripts, which address the trends of enactment of the laws, the analysis of the six gun control laws, and an analysis of one permissive firearm law (stand your ground laws). A panel data set was created from publicly available sources for each state from 1993 to 2010. General Estimating Equations (GEE) were used to evaluate the impact of citizen pressures, lobby pressures, legislative characteristics, and demographic data on the adoption of the seven selected laws. Study findings identified waves of adoption of the firearm laws across politically and demographically similar states in the early study years (1993-94) and the later study years (2005-10). States with Democratic state governments were more likely to pass gun control laws while states with Republican state governments were more likely to pass stand your ground laws. Poverty was also a statistically significant variable for the passage of the laws: states with lower poverty levels were more likely to pass gun control laws while states with higher poverty levels were more likely to pass stand your ground laws. However, aside from legislation to ensure consistency with federal law, most states are not responding to the public call for regulation as measured by the enactment of the selected laws. Instead, a trend of permissive firearms laws is rapidly spreading across the 50 states. Firearm injury prevention advocates should not be deterred by political environments. Rather, they should respond to cues to optimize change for injury prevention. Understanding mechanisms for firearm policy adoption, such as the role of legislative characteristics may help researchers and firearm injury prevention advocates focus limited resources to introduce bills in policy-friendly states. This dissertation contributes to the firearm injury prevention literature by applying policy diffusion theories and analysis techniques to firearm injury prevention efforts. Findings support the literature that internal state political and demographic characteristics guide the adoption of firearm laws. / Public Health

Recently, empirical attention has been directed toward understanding public opinion about gun control laws. Despite this focus, three gaps are evident in extant scholarship. First, few current examinations have relied on recently collected, national data to explore predictors of public attitudes. Second, relatively little work systematically investigates whether type of weapon bans (e.g. handgun versus semi-automatic weapon) affects public support for a given gun control initiative. Third, and importantly, the general focus in prediction support for gun control measures has been on social and demographic factors. Little is known from a theoretical perspective about how other variables - such as knowledge of Constitutinal issues or perceptions of the U.S. Supreme Court - affect public attitudes toward gun control. Using national poll data collected in 2011 by Time magazine, this study addresses these research gaps by estimating several logistic regression analyses. Research and policy implications are discussed. / by Elizabeth Borkowski. / Thesis (M.S.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2012. / Includes bibliography. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / System requirements: Adobe Reader.

Includes vita. / Title from PDF of title page. / Document formatted into pages; contains 47 pages. / Thesis (M.A.)--University of South Florida, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references. / Text (Electronic thesis) in PDF format. / ABSTRACT: This thesis analyzes the policy effects of several state gun control restrictions in the United States. The study employs the data of gun related crimes and gun control restrictions from Statistical Abstract of Criminal Justice Handbook through five years (from 1995 to 2000). Although many scholars have studied previously gun control policy effects on crimes, they always focus on the total violence level and ignore to compare the policy effects of different gun control laws. The present study examines intensively gun related crimes and compares several gun control policies. Pooled data is employed to access the effects of gun control restrictions, and it is another advancement based on previous studies, which always use cross-sectional or time series designs. / ABSTRACT: These findings partially reject the previous conclusions that gun control laws have no effects on violence and for gun related homicides and robberies; several gun control restrictions like registration, license, and waiting period show some significant policy effects. Contrary to the past study, the permit to purchase, which has been regarded as the most efficient law, produces no significant policy effects. Sale report to police and certain firearm prohibited also have no significant effects. Among control variables, race and urban population exert the obvious influences on the gun violence, and specifically, the density of population affects the gun related homicides and high school graduates affects the gun related robberies. Implications of these findings and potential for future research are discussed. / System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader. / Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Submitted by Antonio de Araujo Laplana (antonio.laplana@gmail.com) on 2018-06-21T23:05:22Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao com assinaturas.pdf: 2005416 bytes, checksum: 382bef7d72051ea2b91f854d3addf131 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by GILSON ROCHA MIRANDA (gilson.miranda@fgv.br) on 2018-06-29T19:04:51Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao com assinaturas.pdf: 2005416 bytes, checksum: 382bef7d72051ea2b91f854d3addf131 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-02T20:04:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao com assinaturas.pdf: 2005416 bytes, checksum: 382bef7d72051ea2b91f854d3addf131 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-26 / This paper investigates the following research questions: (i) Do changes in Concealed Carry Weapon (CCW) legislation affect crime? (ii) In the case it does affect crime, are there spillover effects on crime rates in neighboring states? We explore state-level changes in gun control legislation in the U.S. from 1986 to 2014, which show a national trend of lowering the requirements for issuing a CCW permit. By employing a differences-in-differences strategy we find that lowering CCW demands raised drug-related crime rates by 15%, on average, in counties within states where the law was changed. Spillover effects in neighboring states also play an important role. In the counties across the state border (but close to it), violent and drug-related crime rates raised, on average, by 13% and 15%, respectively. We also find evidence that such spillover effects are spatial in nature. The results are robust to a variety of tests and are not driven by differential pre-trends.

The recent mass shooting on October 1, 2017 in Las Vegas, Nevada has been marked in history as the worst mass shooting in the United States to this point. The details of the shooting beg the question, is it coincidence that it happened in Nevada, a state with some of the least restrictive gun control laws? Mass shootings have become an unfortunate part of reality in the United States, but these are fairly uncommon occurrences. While they are horrific and deserve attention, daily gun violence cannot be forgotten. In the face of such a multitude of gun violence, what can be done to prevent future violence from occurring? This paper compares Nevada and California, two states that are geographically similar, but could not be more different when it comes to gun control. The paper draws connections between state gun control laws and gun violence trends in an attempt to determine what the best course of action is for addressing the problem.

Thesis (M.A.) in Communication--University of Maine, 2004. / Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves134-146).

No description available.

Statistics show that the number of mass shootings and involved fatalities have drastically increased over the last five years. The framing of these attacks in the mass media has a substantial impact on the public opinion on the causes of shootings, possible prevention methods and gun control in general. Following study aims to uncover potential ideological influences of political tendencies of liberal and conservative newspapers on the media coverage of the most recent mass shooting in the Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida. A qualitative content analysis with a general structural analysis of 39 articles from the liberal newspaper The New York Times and the conservative newspaper The Washington Times and a more detailed Critical Discourse Analysis of the frames of blame, prevention methods and gun control were conducted. Findings show that The Washington Times´media coverage on blame attributions and prevention methods mainly included frames of mental health. The focus in The New York Times´ coverage is clearly on gun issues and the demand for gun restrictions. The topic gun control is positively framed by The New York Times. The Washington Times, however, framed gun control in connection with conspiracy theories and thus portrayed it in a more negative light. The findings prove an influence of the newspapers´ political tendencies and ideologies on the media coverage of the Florida mass shooting.