2. Die Fortschritte der internationalen Gemeinschaft in Richtung des Ziels, durch externes Eingreifen in den Staatsaufbau des Kosovos Demokratie und Marktwirtschaft zu erwir-ken, sind trotz aller Teilerfolge geringer als erhofft. Auch zwölf Jahre nach der Interventi-on der NATO und der Errichtung der UN-Übergangsverwaltungsmission (UNMIK) bleiben drängende Probleme weiterhin ungelöst. Die fehlende politische Orientierung der UNMIK bzw. ihr widersprüchliches Mandat stellte sich als zentrales Hindernis des State-Building-Prozesses heraus, wobei die Klärung der Statusfrage lange offenblieb und sich das Prolongieren einer Entscheidung über die Statusfrage äußerst negativ auf den gesamten Prozess des State-Buildings auswirkte. Prominente Erklärungsmuster für die Rückschläge und Verzögerungen im State-Building-Prozess werden in den folgenden Ein-flussfaktoren gesehen: nationalistische politische Eliten, unfähige Staatsgewalt, passive Politik der externen bzw. internen Akteure, korrupte Personen, unprofessionelle politische und wirtschaftliche Eliten, den Staat schwächende parallele Machtstrukturen, Schatten-wirtschaftliche Praktiken ökonomischer Reproduktion.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--RAND Graduate School, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references.

2. Die Fortschritte der internationalen Gemeinschaft in Richtung des Ziels, durch externes Eingreifen in den Staatsaufbau des Kosovos Demokratie und Marktwirtschaft zu erwir-ken, sind trotz aller Teilerfolge geringer als erhofft. Auch zwölf Jahre nach der Interventi-on der NATO und der Errichtung der UN-Übergangsverwaltungsmission (UNMIK) bleiben drängende Probleme weiterhin ungelöst. Die fehlende politische Orientierung der UNMIK bzw. ihr widersprüchliches Mandat stellte sich als zentrales Hindernis des State-Building-Prozesses heraus, wobei die Klärung der Statusfrage lange offenblieb und sich das Prolongieren einer Entscheidung über die Statusfrage äußerst negativ auf den gesamten Prozess des State-Buildings auswirkte. Prominente Erklärungsmuster für die Rückschläge und Verzögerungen im State-Building-Prozess werden in den folgenden Ein-flussfaktoren gesehen: nationalistische politische Eliten, unfähige Staatsgewalt, passive Politik der externen bzw. internen Akteure, korrupte Personen, unprofessionelle politische und wirtschaftliche Eliten, den Staat schwächende parallele Machtstrukturen, Schatten-wirtschaftliche Praktiken ökonomischer Reproduktion.

This thesis aims to investigate EU peacebuilding in Bosnia-Herzegovina, focusing on the ways in which EU actors engage with local cultural actors and vice versa. Given that, in the liberal peacebuilding tradition, civil society has been considered a key actor in the public sphere, peacebuilding actors have tended to neglect seemingly more marginal actors and their subtle ways of impacting on the peacebuilding process. However, this thesis contends that processes of interaction are not always direct and visible, but centre on discourse clusters, which I frame as imaginary ‘spaces of agency’. Through the creation of meanings within a space of agency and its translation into other imaginary spaces, actors develop the power to impact upon the peacebuilding process, often in coded ways and therefore invisible in the public sphere, as peacebuilding actors, including the EU, have created it. A typology of the modes of interaction and possible responses between spaces helps understand the complexities and nuances of peacebuilding interaction. The thesis uses this framework to analyse several exemplary spaces of agency of the EU, rooting them in institutional discourses with specific reference to Bosnia-Herzegovina. Based on this, I investigate a number of responses to those spaces on the part of local cultural actors, as well as how the latter contribute to the emergence of alternative localised spaces, where the EU’s spaces fail to connect to the everyday dimensions of peace. I suggest that this represents a way in which local actors try to claim the ownership of peacebuilding back in subtle ways. This also points to the ability of actors that have traditionally been excluded from the peacebuilding project to contextualise abstract and distant processes into what matters locally, as well as their capacity to reject and resist when the EU’s spaces remain irrelevant for local peacebuilding imaginations.

The tragic events within the South African Development Community (SADC) countries e.g. Civil war and conflicts in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), evoked a rethinking on the pivotal role assigned to the United Nations (UN) and the international community in African conflict resolution. Subsequently, there emerged clarion calls for African solutions to African conflict,. with foreign intervention only playing a complementary role. This unfolding of events put a democratic South Africa in a good stead to take this initiative in the SADC region. In this study, the nature of South Africa's involvement in conflict resolution within SADC region. is outlined. The main objective is to outline reasons which have moulded South African intervention in Lesotho, and its impacts on her perceptions about prospects for future African initiatives in the twenty first century. South Africa adopted a remarkably ambivalent foreign policy towards the region and indeed the rest of the continent. It is however, in the light of that development that a democratic South Africa became a dominant member state within SADC to enable her the capabilities of bringing African solutions (SADC in particular) to African conflicts. It is on this note that South Africa has intervened successfully towards resolving the Lesotho conflicts. South African foreign policy objective of enhancing international peace and security by maintaining efforts towards a lasting resolution of conflicts, stability and security situation in Lesotho achieved, and the general elections were ultimately held. It is however, acknowledged that South African government has made a firm commitment to developing its role as a voice for the global South. In supporting this statement, South Africa should seriously develop a reputation, culture and capacity as a patron of peace promotion which means continuing with investing political will and resources in mediation and human resources, and also engage in a concerted campaign to improve the peace-keeping ability and security mechanisms of the SADC through a commitment of technical and human resources. / (M.Soc.Sc.) North-West University, Mafikeng Campus, 2005

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Degree of Masters of Management Sciences Specialising in Public Management, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2017. / Informed by Bronfenbrenner’s theory of social ecosystems and embedded in the Freirean pedagogy of participatory and critical praxis, this youth-led participatory action research (YPAR) study aims to highlight the power and potential of young people as peacebuilders. Bringing attention to the powerful capacity young people have in transforming society, the entire process was guided by the following meta-question: “how can YPAR assist young people to become active agents in the construction of peace?” Approximately 20 young people aged between 13 and 17 from a low-income high-density neighbourhood in central Durban became co-researcher volunteers in the program. Their participation in a six phases process involved exploration and identification of the social needs of the community, followed by planning, implementing and evaluating a peacebuilding intervention. The data itself is comprised of the activities that constituted the YPAR program, including drama skits, mapping and photo story posters. The data was collected using research diaries, video and audio recording and photography. Through the involvement of participants in research and action as “peace leaders,” the findings highlight the potential of YPAR in the peacebuilding field. / M

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the degree Doctor of Philosophy: Public Management (Peacebuilding), Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2015. / Nigeria has witnessed a plethora of conflicts and violence especially since her post independent era. Direct and structural violence as well as cultural violence have largely dotted her history. The various nature of violence that have over the years keeps the country teetering at the verge of precipice include, resource-based conflict in the Niger Delta, indigenes-settlers conflicts, gender-based conflicts, ethno-religious conflicts, electoral cum political conflicts and the recent Boko Haram violent menace that has claimed at least 13,000 lives in Nigeria. There have been attempts by government and civil society organisations to curb violence in the country. However, their limited apparent success and the extent of violence underlines the need for alternative approaches to build peace in Nigeria. Building infrastructures for peace is one such alternative. Using an action research approach, the research focusses on establishing peace clubs in four high schools and implementing a programme for a 12 month period. / D

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Management Sciences: Public Management, specialising in Peacebuilding, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2016. / Post-conflict countries have a range of needs of interventions in the reconstruction efforts. These efforts require immediate, medium and long term interventions. DDR process require the immediate restoration of security which requires demobilization in the both the regular army and armed groups. Demobilized combatants need to be economically and socially re-integrated in their local communities. Therefore governments through demobilization commissions or programmes ensure that ex-combatant is re-integrated as matter of governments’ responsibility. In the specific case of this research, former members of armed groups from DRC and former RDF soldiers all members of an Agricultural cooperative based in Jabana (Kigali City) have been participants to this research which is by nature an action research project aiming most importantly on participation outputs oriented to learning. Before this project, economic, political, social and psychological dimensions among the ex-combatants were frustrating. However, after this project, the following were discovered: Economically, the approaches that have been used allowed ex-combatants to learn basic and necessary skills of creative entrepreneurship while working in corporate setting. Socially, this research discovered that the nature of research requires working in group settings in addition to personal and collective participation toward the attainment of the project’s objectives. Working in group settings is the social cohesion that originates from sharing common goals, interests, successes and failures if any. In addition, group members became best friends among themselves and relied on each other in time of need. At psychological level, ex-combatants have gained self-confidence, self-trust, and removal of past negative clichés that they used to hold against each other. Finally, in the implementation of this research, aspects of peace-building, together with unity and reconciliation and peace-building in its broad term has been witnessed from its outset to the concluding phase of the research. Recommendations were devised; some are formulated towards ex-combatants at individual level and others for RDRP. / D

Justice and reconciliation are both highly complex concepts that are often described as incompatible alternatives in the aftermath of violent conflicts, despite the fact that both are fundamental to peacebuilding in societies divided by the legacies of political violence, oppression and exclusion. This thesis examines the relationship between justice and reconciliation, pursued as essential ingredients of peacebuilding. After advancing an inclusive working conceptual framework in which seemingly competing conceptions regarding justice and reconciliation are reconceived to work compatibly for building peace, the thesis presents the results of an in-depth case study of Rwanda's post-genocide justice and reconciliation endeavour. The thesis focuses on Rwanda's justice and reconciliation efforts and their relationship to the ongoing challenge of reformulating Rwandans' social identities. A field research conducted for this study revealed that issues of victimhood, justice and reconciliation were highly contested among individuals and groups with varied experiences of the country's violent history. Resolving these conflicting narratives so that each Rwandan's narrative/identity is dissociated from the negation of the other's victimhood emerged as a paramount challenge in Rwanda's quest for justice and reconciliation. Rwanda's approach to justice and reconciliation can be seen as an innovative both/and approach that seeks to overcome dichotomous thinking by addressing various justice and reconciliation concerns in compatible ways. However, by limiting its efforts to the issues that arose from crimes committed under the former regimes, the justice and reconciliation endeavour of the Rwandan government fails to reconcile people's conflicting narratives of victimhood, which will be essential to transform the existing racialised and politicised ethnic identities of Rwandan people.

This thesis seeks to explain how democracies emerge out of the ashes of civil wars. This paper envisions transitions to democracy after a civil war largely as a function of the peace process. Democracy is thought of as a medium through which solutions to the problems and issues over which the civil war was fought can be solved without violence. Transitions to democracy are more likely if there is a large bargaining space and the problems of credible commitments to democratization can be solved. Democratization is more likely if four conditions exist in a state after the civil war: a negotiated settlement, credible commitments via international enforcement, demobilization, and a cooperative international environment. The hypotheses derived are tested through an event history analysis for two different standards of democracy. The results suggest that factors indicative of all four theoretical concepts contribute to the likelihood of democratization after a civil war.