Depuis des années, le Kenya avait donné l’impression d’être un pays relativement stable dans la région d’Afrique sub-saharienne, régulièrement secouée par les conflits, et un « centre » autour duquel la communauté internationale coordonne ses missions vers certains pays d’Afrique comme ceux faisant partie de la Région des Grandes Lacs (Burundi, Rwanda, Ouganda, République démocratique du Congo, Kenya et Tanzanie) et ceux de la Corne de l’Afrique (Kenya, Somalie, Éthiopie, Djibouti et Ouganda). Toutefois, les élections présidentielles très contestées en 2007 et les conflits qui se sont enchaînés ont entrainé de nombreuses préoccupations en ce qui concerne la stabilité du Kenya à l’ère de l’insécurité globale. Alors que le rétablissement de la paix continue, la coexistence entre groupes est toujours délicate car le Kenya compte au moins quarante-deux ethnies qui sont toutes distinctes les unes par rapport aux autres. Par ailleurs, l’ouverture d’une enquête judiciaire, par la Cour Pénale Internationale (CPI), contre quatre des six personnes présumées être les principaux auteurs des violences postélectorales de 2007/08, s’ajoute aux problèmes liés à la coexistence pacifique entre les différents groupes avant les prochaines élections. Cette thèse examine les politiques relatives à l’accommodation des différents groupes à travers les radios vernaculaires et comment ces politiques ont influencé les relations entre les groupes lors des conflits de 2007/08 au Kenya. Partant du constat qu’un conflit est un processus communicatif, elle intègre le concept d’encadrement médiatique à la théorie de Protracted Social Conflict (PSC) définie par Azar (1990) pour tracer non seulement les changements dans les discours d’encadrement de ces conflits, mais aussi pour illustrer les mutations des attitudes à l’égard des relations entre groupes survenues avant, durant et après ces conflits. Cette étude emploie principalement les méthodes qualitatives pour rassembler les données issues des trois régions au Kenya qui sont ethniquement et linguistiquement divergentes: Nyeri (la majorité Kikuyu), Kisumu (la majorité Luo) et Eldoret (la majorité Kalenjin). L’argument central de cette thèse est que l’encadrement des relations entre groupes, notamment lors des conflits, est soit différencié soit concerté dépendamment du stade auquel le conflit se manifeste. Alors que dans l’encadrement différencié, les discours médiatiques sont articulés de façon à ce que ceux-ci soient susceptibles d’entrainer une polarisation entre groupes, l’encadrement concerté décrit les discours médiatiques négociés de manière à ce que ceux-ci reflètent les valeurs partagées au travers des différents groupes, et donc sont susceptibles d’engendrer une coopération entre groupes. J’argumente que les changements dans le discours des radios vernaculaires prennent effet lorsque de nouveaux éléments sont ajoutés aux discours caractérisant un conflit déjà existant, et les « nouveaux significations » que ces éléments apportent à la compréhension du conflit en question. J’argumente également que le changement du l’encadrement différentiée à l’encadrement concerté (et vice-versa) dépende du degré de résonance de ces discours avec la population cible. De façon générale, cette étude suggère que le langage de diffusion et la proximité culturelle induisent l’encadrement entre groupes à travers les radios vernaculaires au Kenya. La force de cette thèse se trouve donc dans les perspectives analytiques qu’elle propose pour localiser les discours changeants lors des conflits, plus particulièrement dans les états multiethniques où les politiques d’accommodation entre les différents groupes demeurent toujours fragiles et conditionnelles. / For many years, Kenya gave the impression of a relatively stable nation-state within the turbulent sub-Saharan Africa and a suitable hub from which the international community extends its missions to parts of Africa such as the Great Lakes Region (Burundi, Rwanda, Uganda, DR Congo, Kenya and Tanzania) and the Horn of Africa (Kenya, Somalia, Ethiopia Djibouti and Uganda). However, the highly disputed presidential elections in 2007 and the upheaval that followed prompted concern about Kenya’s stability in the wake of global insecurity. While the healing process is underway, challenges of intergroup accommodation persist, as Kenya counts about forty-two distinct ethno-linguistic groups. Also, the International Criminal Court (ICC) recently brought criminal proceedings against four of the six alleged masterminds of the 2007/08 conflicts, adding to the challenges of intergroup cohesion ahead of the next general elections. This dissertation examines the politics of intergroup accommodation in Kenya’s vernacular radios and how they influenced intergroup relations in the events leading to the 2007/08 conflicts. Considering conflict as a communicative process, it builds on Azar’s (1990) theory of Protracted Social Conflicts (PSC) by integrating media framing not only to unpack the discourses that surrounded the framing of the 2007/08 conflicts, but also to uncover attitudinal shifts that characterized intergroup relations prior to, during, and after this particular conflict. The study mainly borrows from qualitative methods to collect data from three distinct ethno-linguistic regions in Kenya: Nyeri (Kikuyu majority), Kisumu (Luo Majority) and Eldoret (Kalenjin majority). The central argument of this dissertation is that the framing of conflicts by vernacular radios can either be differentiated or concerted, and this depends on the stage at which a given conflict manifests itself. While in differentiated framing, media narratives are negotiated in terms of negative competition likely to reinforce divisive or rebellious attitudes, concerted framing underpins the framing process whereby media discourses are articulated in a manner that underlines shared ideals that cut across intergroup allegiances, and thus may strengthen collaborative attitudes. I argue that the shifts in vernacular radio narratives occur when new elements are added to the already existing conflict frames and the kinds of “new meaning” they generate with regard to conflict processes. I also argue that the shifts from differentiated framing to concerted framing (and vice-versa) also hinge on the degree to which the proposed frames resonate with the appeals and expectations of the target population. Overall, the study argues that the language of broadcast and cultural proximity drive the framing of intergroup relations in Kenya’s vernacular radios, particularly in situations of conflict or competition. The strength of this dissertation lies in the analytical viewpoints that it proposes to locate the shifting perspectives in conflict situations, especially in multiethnic states where the politics of intergroup accommodation are fragile and situational.

Hervorgegangen aus Diss. / Bibliogr.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the causes and effects of xenophobia in South Africa. The study also aimed at focussing on tracing whether there are any programmes in place to counter xenophobia. The ultimate goal was to establish ways in which secondary schools can play a role in averting xenophobia in the country. The research centred on gathering information through a review of literature, the use of questionnaires and conducting interviews. The literature reviewed highlighted a pattern of xenophobic tendencies since the dawn of independence in South Africa in 1994 which ultimately reached alarming levels in May 2008. Foreigners are accused of ‘stealing’ jobs and women from locals, commiting crimes, accessing government grants, accepting wages below the minimum laid down and enjoying better living standards than many locals. The foreigners’ way of life is not acceptable to some South Africans in terms of their language, lifestyles and personalities. Poverty seems to play a big role as most of the xenophobic acts occur in densely populated urban townships and squatter camps. The study did not come across significant efforts either from government or civic organisations aimed at countering xenophobia in South Africa especially in light of the extreme 2008 attacks on foreign nationls. The questionnaires were administered on 241 South African learners and the interviews were conducted with 15 African foreign learners in South Africa. The information gathered through questionnaires and interviews was summarised and analysed leading to conclusions that mostly corroborated the findings of the literature review. Some of the responses to the questionnares are worrying as they clearly reveal some xenophobic tendencies whilst some reponses to the interview questions recount some disturbing experiences that the participants encountered. Some of the recommendations made include the introduction of strict measures against name calling in schools, dealing with any xenophobic incidents in schools no matter how small the incident might be and organising regional sporting events together with educational exchange programs such as Mathematics Olympiads with schools from neighbouring countries. It is hoped that the implementation of the suggested recommendations may reduce the occurrence of xenophobia in South Africa. / Psychology of Education / M. Ed. (Psychology of Education)

Situated at the heart of Africa, the DRC has been transformed into a battlefield where several African states and national armed movements are simultaneously fighting various wars. In order to achieve peace, security, and stability in the DRC, SADC intervened with the international collaboration of the UN and AU. The aim of this dissertation is to investigate SADC’s role in the DRC conflict resolution process from 1998 to 2003. A qualitative research method has been chosen and two theories, namely New Institutionalism theories and Rupesinghe’s model of conflict transformation were adopted. The research concludes that SADC military and diplomatic efforts to end the war have been positive. It is true that violence continues and peace remained fragile, but the conflict had ended. The weakness of the DRC government has allowed continued violence. As an organisation of states, SADC has not been able to do anything about this fragility. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

This study is a critical examination of the complex search for peace, reconciliation and unity in Zimbabwe between the years 1978 and 2008, with a view to identify factors that have been blocking sustainable peace, national unity, reconciliation and development. It is a qualitative study which draws data from document analysis and oral interviews. The specific focus of the study is an analysis of the four peace agreements signed in this period namely; the 1978 Internal Settlement, the 1979 Lancaster House Agreement, the 1987 Unity Accord and the 2008 Global Political Agreement. Its central thesis is that coloniality in its multifaceted invisible forms is largely responsible for conflicts that have engulfed Zimbabwe and for compromising the chances of success of the four peace agreements. Coloniality has produced a ‘postcolonial’ leadership that has continued to practice politics in a violent, repressive, corrupt and unaccountable manner because of interpellation by the very immanent logic of colonialism that reproduces such inimical practices as racism, tribalism, regionalism and patriarchy. Theoretically, the study deploys de-colonial epistemic perspective in its endeavour to unmask and explain challenges to peace, unity, reconciliation and development in Zimbabwe. Finally, the thesis makes a strong case for pursuit of decoloniality as the panacea to conflicts and as an approach to conflict resolution and peace building that privileges decolonization and deimperialization so that Zimbabwe’s development goals could be achieved. / Development Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Development Studies)

A partir du milieu des années 1990, l’Union européenne (UE) s’est progressivement affirmée comme l’un des principaux partenaires des organisations régionales africaines en matière de paix et de sécurité. Des pratiques de soutien aux capacités africaines de maintien de la paix notamment se sont développées au niveau européen avec la création d’instruments dédiés et l’engagement de moyens financiers de plus d’1,1 Md€. Ces pratiques relèvent de ce que l’on appelle communément de la coopération militaire, mais elles sont apparues bien avant que ce domaine d’activité soit explicitement évoqué dans les traités. Elles ont en outre la particularité de s’être institutionnalisées non seulement dans le cadre de la Politique européenne de sécurité et de défense (PSDC), mais également dans celui de la coopération européenne au développement alors que ce dernier se limite traditionnellement à des activités de nature civile. Elles fournissent à ce titre un objet privilégié pour étudier les processus d’institutionnalisation à l’oeuvre au sein de la politique étrangère européenne en dehors des modifications successives des traités et du découpage des politiques qu’ils consacrent. Ces processus d’institutionnalisation renvoient en effet ici aux processus par lesquels sont produites et transformées les règles formelles et informelles qui régissent les pratiques au sein d’un espace social donné (Stone Sweet et al. 2000 ;Fligstein, 2001).<p><p>L’émergence et l’institutionnalisation de ces pratiques au niveau européen ne peuvent être réduites à une logique fonctionnelle ni au produit de rapports de force interétatiques, institutionnels ou bureaucratiques. Leur compréhension nécessite de prendre en compte la différenciation des espaces sociaux (ou secteurs) qui structurent les jeux d’acteurs au sein de la politique étrangère européenne autour d’enjeux, de règles et de luttes spécifiques (Buchet de Neuilly, 2005a ;Mérand, 2008a). Le soutien de l’UE aux capacités africaines de maintien de la paix apparaît dans cette perspective comme le produit de luttes récurrentes au sein et à l’intersection des secteurs du développement et de la sécurité qui en ont partiellement reconfiguré les représentations dominantes et les règles établies. Ces luttes ont mobilisé des acteurs distincts en réaction à des chocs externes différents ou interprétés différemment selon les secteurs considérés. Elles ont également suscité des résistances spécifiques et abouti à des pratiques sectoriellement différenciées.<p><p>Au-delà de leur enjeu manifeste, celui du maintien de la paix en Afrique, l’émergence et l’institutionnalisation de ces pratiques révèlent ainsi certains des jeux sectoriels et intersectoriels qui se déploient au sein de la politique étrangère européenne autour de la définition des modalités légitimes d’usage et de contrôle de ses ressources. Au sein du secteur du développement, ces luttes se sont concentrées sur la légitimité d’utiliser des fonds dédiés à la coopération pour financer des activités de nature militaire. Au sein du secteur de lasécurité, elles ont porté sur l’agrégation au niveau européen de ressources diplomatiques et militaires nationales au détriment de modes d’action bilatéraux et d’arènes de coordination non spécifiquement européennes comme l’OTAN ou l’ONU. A l’intersection de ces deux secteurs enfin, elles se sont cristallisées autour du degré de contrôle des diplomates sur les ressources propres à l’aide au développement ou, en d’autres termes, autour du degré d’autonomie dont bénéficient les acteurs de développement européens vis-à-vis de la PESC/PSDC. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the Degree of Master of Management Science: Public Management (Peacebuilding), Durban University of Technology, 2017. / The thesis examines the operations and outcomes of the Self Help Groups (SHGs) in Matetsi ward. It examines the causes of conflicts and consequences of the conflicts in the SHGs. This is achieved by adopting the conflict transformation approach. Succinctly, the theory views conflict as not necessarily destructive, but as a vehicle for change. This therefore, has implications for one’s understanding of the causes of conflicts. SHGs have been adopted by rural women so that they can work collectively to address their socio-economic problems. The study was conducted in Matetsi ward, Hwange District where conflicts within the groups were broadly detected. The information used in the study were produced from face-to-face interviews, focus group discussions, minute books and testimonials throughout field work in the designated ward. The study exposed that conflicts in the study location emanated from delays in loan repayments by SHG members. Individuals’ failure to fulfil their obligations of saving and returning loans on time created tensions which in turn resulted in conflict among the group members. The conflicts became complex and recurred due to unaddressed animosity, fear and anger, resulting in frustrations in the groups. Conflicts in the groups also led to the collapse of some of the groups. The research findings indicated that SHGs were not only sources of income for rural women, but also represented a yearning for self-sufficiency among rural women in spite of the socio-economic strife in Hwange District. / M

Security, economic and societal challenges of the 21 century place demands on international community and deepens the need to precisely define this term and its role in the global development as well as the legitimacy of international organization, which often place themselves as representatives of the entire global community. Conflict in Afghanistan and its reconstruction is a great case study of mechanisms, which allow the international community to assess security challenges, apply former experience to respond and prepare for future operations. There are many lessons that can be learned from the case of Afghanistan. This article addresses the successes and failures connected with Afghan reconstruction and stabilization efforts and its impacts on development of the country. The article stresses the negative consequences of the international involvement as well as the deepening dependence of Afghanistan on foreign assistance.

No description available.

The purpose of this research was to analyse the impact of forced migration on women and development in northern Uganda. The armed conflict in northern Uganda, which started in 1986, led to gross violations of human rights against women forcing them to flee their homes and ftnd refuge in overcrowded resettlement camps. The main objective of the study was to critically analyse the causes of displacement and the experiences of internally displaced women so as to contribute to available knowledge on women and development Qualitative and feminist research techniques were carried out in Erute Camp located in Lira Municipality among intemally displaced women, using observation and interviews. The findings reveal that forced migration was caused by the armed conflict between the LRA rebels and the government solders. The conflict destroyed in:frastructw·e and socio-economic service delivery systems. This consequently par·alysed the northern Uganda's development as many civilians were forced to abandon their homesteads due to traumatic experiences of killings, torture and abductions. This resulted in human disintegration and the collapse of economic and social development in the region that was based on agriculture. The prolonged insecurity disrupted education, health, communication and commercial activities resulting in absolute poverty and underdevelopment Despite effo11s by government and some humanitarian agencies to provide the needs of the affected civilians, peace and reconciliation seems to be hard to achieve. Insecurity continues to spread making normal life, relief and economic activities impossible. Due to lack of effective implementation, coordination and monitoring of programmes, the situation poses great challenges to government and international h\Unanitarian agencies present such as: WFP, UNHCR, WHO, World Bank and others. Therefore, forced migration has a significant impact on women's social, economic, cultural and environmental development. However, a positive impact regar·ding women's empowe1ment and gender equality due to changed roles was eminent. I conclude by recommending that the stakeholders need to increase the capacity to restore peace. There is need to coordinate the development projects and programmes through increased flexibility and transparency. However, the need to involve women in the reconciliation and reconstruction processes to restore peace in northern Uganda is vital / Development Studies / D. Litt. et Phil.