[pt] Ivan Meredith Nurse nasceu na colônia britânica de Trinidad, em 1902, e migrou para os Estados Unidos, em 1924, a fim de prosseguir com seus estudos. Tornou-se um militante antirracista nos Estados Unidos dos tempos de Jim Crow, entrou para o movimento comunista internacional, e mudou de nome, passando a chamar-se George Padmore em 1929. Em 1930 já era um dos comunistas negros mais conhecidos a serviço de Moscou, responsável por articular uma internacional de trabalhadores negros a partir de Hamburgo, Alemanha. Em 1934, rompe com o Comintern e com Stálin, embora siga enquanto marxista e defensor do modelo Soviético de estado. Entre 1935 e 1957 foi o grande articulador da resistência anticolonial e anti-imperial a partir de Londres. Padmore foi um dos principais pensadores Pan-Africanistas, artífice do Quinto Congresso Pan-Africano de Manchester, em 1945, e arquiteto da independência da Costa do Ouro, em 1957. A análise da trajetória e do pensamento político de George Padmore evidencia a experiência da Diáspora Negra e permite compreender a sistematização de uma ideologia Pan-Africana centrada nas massas africanas, na emancipação do continente africano e na construção dos Estados Socialistas Africanos. George Padmore escreveu artigos em jornais de diversos territórios coloniais, mas também em periódicos da metrópole. Também produziu obras que buscaram guiar e pautar o movimento anti-imperial e as lutas anticoloniais. Esta tese pretende apresentar este Herói Silencioso em seu contexto linguístico, junto de outros intelectuais negros tais como, W.E.B. Du Bois, Claude McKay, C.L.R. James, Kwame Nkrumah, a fim de evidenciar o vocabulário político Pan-Africano da primeira metade do século XX. / [en] Ivan Meredith Nurse was born in the British colony of Trinidad in 1902 and moved to the United States in 1924 to pursue his studies. He became an anti-racist militant in the Jim Crow s United States, joined the international communist movement, and changed his name to George Padmore in 1929. By 1930, he was already one of the best-known black communists in the service of Moscow, responsible for coordinating a black workers international from Hamburg, Germany. In 1934, he broke with the Comintern and Joseph Stalin, although he continued as a Marxist and defender of the Soviet state model. Between 1935 and 1957, he was the great articulator of anti-colonial and anti-imperial resistance from London. Padmore was a leading Pan-Africanist thinker, organizer of the Fifth Pan-African Congress of Manchester in 1945, and architect of the Gold Coast s independence in 1957. The analysis of George Padmore s trajectory and political thinking allow to evidenciate the experience of the Back Diaspora and allows us to understand the systematization of a Pan-African ideology centered on the African masses, the emancipation of the African continent and the building of African Socialist States. George Padmore wrote articles in newspapers of various colonial territories, but also in journals of the metropolis. He also produced works that sought to guide the anti-imperial movement and anticolonial struggles. This thesis intends to present this Silent Hero in its linguistic context, along with other black intellectuals such as, W.E.B. Du Bois, Claude McKay, C.L.R. James, Kwame Nkrumah, in order to evidence the Pan-African political vocabulary of the first half of the twentieth century.

À l’origine, la nouvelle concernant l’occupation américaine d’Haïti en 1915 a suscité peu d’indignation aux États-Unis. En effet, on reproche à la république son instabilité politique et on juge aussi qu’une intervention américaine concourrait à l’édifice de l’autorité de la loi. À partir de 1915 et surtout en 1920, l’Association nationale pour l’avancement des gens de couleur (NAACP), fondée en 1909, critique cette ingérence et milite pour y voir un terme. W.E. B. Du Bois et James Weldon Johnson, deux figures publiques noires importantes travaillant au sein de l’organisation, dénoncent avec conviction l’occupation d’Haïti. Les historiens ont jusqu’ici jugé que la NAACP fut inspirée par des considérations de solidarité raciale en adhérant à la cause de la souveraineté haïtienne. Si la thèse présente ne réfute pas cette possibilité, elle cherche tout de même à démontrer que le cadre conceptuel de la solidarité raciale ne saurait illustrer toute la complexité de la campagne haïtienne érigée par la NAACP. Par conséquent, une attention dirigée davantage sur le contexte social et politique américain entre 1915 et 1922 révèle que pour la NAACP, la dénonciation de l’occupation américaine d’Haïti représentait d’une part une opportunité de discuter des problèmes sociaux touchant les Afro-Américains, et d’autre part, une occasion de renforcer sa position aux États-Unis. / Initially, the news of the U.S. occupation of Haiti in 1915 generated little concern in the United States. Indeed, Haiti’s political instability made it such that a U.S. intervention seemed unavoidable. As of 1915 and especially 1920, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), founded in 1909, denounced the U.S. interference in the Caribbean island. W.E.B. Du Bois and James Weldon Johnson, two of the association’s most influential black members, were deeply invested in condemning the U.S. occupation of Haiti. Historiographical tendencies have long located the NAACP’s engagement with Haiti in a conversation about black solidarity, but have failed to adequately consider the local politics that may have inspired the NAACP’s work. While this thesis does not refute the importance of black solidarity, it does recognise the limits of this conceptual approach in trying to explain the complexity of the NAACP’s work on the behalf of Haiti’s sovereignty. Placing more attention on the social and political context in the United States between 1915 and 1922 reveals that the NAACP utilised the occupation of Haiti as a means of attracting broader attention to domestic issues affecting black Americans, but also as a means of reinforcing the organisation’s own profile in the United States.

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