China’s curriculum system has been undergoing substantial transformations since 1986. In response to public criticism of the highly prescribed national curriculum, the central state of China is attempting to build a more inclusive system which is composed of national curriculum, province curriculum and school-based curriculum. The new curriculum system accommodates more flexibility in carrying out national curriculum policies and even encourages local input in curriculum development and management. Apparently, the current curriculum reform in China is moving toward decentralization. The purpose of this work is to demonstrate the complexity of decentralization reform in China’s curriculum system and examine the dynamics of policy formulation and outcomes of reform efforts in great depth. The main argument made in this socio-philosophical work is that the on-going Chinese curriculum reform is a process of centralized decentralization, which merely transfers work to the local level but not real authority. With an inquiry into the impetus of current Chinese curriculum reform, this theoretical research illustrates that centralized decentralization is taken as a strategic imperative by the state to avoid loss of control over school curriculum that carries particular social and political significance for China in a transitional period. Another major task for this cultural studies research is to problematize the strategy of centralized decentralization, investigating the consequences of the superficial decentralization in reality and analyzing the bottlenecks in promoting current Chinese curriculum reform. In this research, Mark Hanson’s conceptual framework of education decentralization is used to clarify ambiguity in defining decentralization reform in the education sector in China. Meanwhile, Foucault’s theory about power/knowledge and governmentality and Williams’ theory about hegemony are used to deepen the understanding of the state-education relationship in contemporary China. Besides a descriptive analysis of phenomena in current Chinese curriculum reform, the discussion is deployed through pragmatic approach and logic-based reasoning. Most data are obtained from literature review, including previous studies on Chinese education reform, government documents, laws and regulations related to current Chinese curriculum reform.

Chaque pays a son propre système d’enquête criminelle, ayant ses propres évolutions historiques et culturelles. Malgré les grands bouleversements de la société coréenne durant le XXe siècle : colonisation japonaise (1910-1945), division entre le nord et le sud du pays (1945), Guerre de Corée (1950-1953), mise en place d’une dictature militaire par un coup d’état(1961-1987), … la Corée est devenu un pays démocratique, continuant encore de nos jours à démocratiser sa société afin de supprimer les reliquats des systèmes passés qui sont toujours présents. L’un des points importants de cette démocratisation est la réforme du système judiciaire, afin de rendre la justice du pays plus juste et redonner confiance au peuple coréen en celle-ci. Pour comprendre la situation actuelle, il est donc nécessaire de présenter l'évolution du système d’enquête criminelle en Corée au cours de son histoire, en particulier la formation historique du parquet et de la police en tant qu’organes d’enquête. Il faut également noter l’importance, pour ce sujet, du droit japonais et du droit français. Ce système coréen d’enquête n’est pas « d’origine » coréenne, mais il s’agit d’un système fortement influencé par les droits de ces deux pays étrangers dans l’histoire juridique. Cependant, il n’est pas possible de trouver une influence directe du droit français dans l’histoire juridique coréenne, car le droit coréen n’a emprunté au droit français que sous l’influence du droit japonais(qui adopta le droit français pour la modernisation du système judiciaire à l’époque Meiji) pendant la colonisation japonaise. Ainsi, on trouve la conception traditionnelle française des institutions dans le système coréen actuel, la centralisation et la hiérarchisation. Si la police et le parquet coréens qui sont les deux organes principaux chargés de s’occuper des affaires criminelle, sont ainsi centralisés, ils ont également des rapports hiérarchisés l’une par rapport à l’autre. / Each Country has its own system of criminal investigation, with its own historical and cultural evolution. Despite major changes in Korean society during the twentieth century such as Japanese colonization (1910-1945), division between the north and south of the country (1945), Korean War (1950-1953), the establishment of a military dictatorship by coup d’état(1961), and so on. Korea became a democratic country, continuing even today to democratize its society to remove remnants of past systems that are always present. One of the important points of this democratization is the reform of the judicial system to make the country more just and restore the confidence of the Korean people in it. To understand the current situation, it is necessary to present the evolution of criminal investigation system in Korea throughout its history, particularly the historical formation of the public prosecutors’ service and the national police as the criminal investigative agencies. Also we have to note the importance, for this subject, of Japanese law and French law, because the Korean criminal investigative system is a system strongly influenced by the judicial system of the both foreign countries. However, it is not possible to find a direct influence of French law in the legal history of Korea because Korean law has just borrowed the institutional concepts from French law under the influence of Japanese law (who had adopted the French law to modernize its judicial system during the Meiji period) during the Japanese colonization. Thus, there are some traditional conceptions of French institution in the current Korean system, centralization and hierarchy. The Korean police and the public prosecutors’ service, which are the two main organizations are responsible for dealing with criminal cases, are centralized and they also have hierarchical relationships between them.

The aim of this thesis is an analysis of the logistics system of the selected operator, in this case, the company GLOBUS ČR, k.s., in terms of material and information flows, description of the critical factors that can disrupt the continuity and efficiency of logistics activities of the logistics system and to propose measures to ensure the optimization of the entire system terms of the level of logistics services and logistics costs. For the purposes of the definition of critical design factors and activities leading to the optimization of logistics systems, and it was necessary to analyze individual actions in the logistics. Critical factors of the system were determined by subjective evaluation. These consisted in finding the bottlenecks and their definition. Critical factors have been identified for the particular listings, non-system treatment of certain cases and for the lack of cooperation between the administration and operation.

Este trabalho tem por objetivo operacionalizar dois conceitos caros a literatura sobre partidos políticos no Brasil e no mundo, quais sejam: centralização e nacionalização. Ambos são importantes não só para entender as organizações partidárias como unidades individuais, mas suas interações, em sistemas complexos. Ao invés de trabalhar com dados eleitorais enquanto indicadores de mensuração dos conceitos, operacionalizamos os mesmos a partir de informações referentes as prestações de contas dos partidos políticos brasileiros. Em especial, a distribuição que estes realizam dos recursos públicos oriundos do Fundo Partidário (FP), em sua dimensão federativa. A partir do tratamento quantitativo e qualitativo dos dados constatamos que os partidos no Brasil, de modo geral, tendem a manter os recursos do FP em sua esfera nacional, uma tendência centralizadora em termos financeiros. A distribuição dos recursos está associada a fatores como: ideologia, força eleitoral, número proporcional de mandatários e ex-mandatários nas Executivas Nacionais (“Parlamentarização”) e normas internas. Quanto a dimensão da nacionalização observamos que os partidos têm dois comportamentos estratégicos distintos: concentram recursos em estados específicos, quando estes são distribuídos; ou distribuem os recursos de maneira mais equânime entre os estados. A lógica se ancora no fortalecimento de bases eleitorais e organizacionais já existentes, mas, sobretudo, no beneficiamento dos estados em que há membros da Executiva Nacional e/ou lideranças regionais do partido com projeção nacional no interior da organização. / This work aims to operationalize two important concepts in the literature on political parties in Brazil and in the world, namely: centralization and nationalization. Both are important not only to understand party organizations as individual units, but their interactions, in complex systems. Instead of working with electoral data as indicator of the measurement of concepts, we operate them from information related to the rendering of accounts of Brazilian political parties. In particular, the distribution they make of the public resources coming from the Party Fund (PF), in its federative dimension. From the quantitative and qualitative treatment of the data, we find that the parties in Brazil, in general, tend to keep the resources of the PF in their national sphere, a centralizing tendency in financial terms. The distribution of resources is associated with factors such as: ideology, electoral strength, proportional number of leaders and ex-leaders in the National Executive Offices ("Parliamentarization") and internal norms. Regarding the dimension of nationalization, we observe that the parties have two distinct strategic behaviors: they concentrate resources in specific states, when these are distributed; or distribute resources more equitably across states. The logic are anchored in the strengthening of existing electoral and organizational bases, but above all in the beneficiation of states where there are members of the National Executive and / or regional leadership of the party with national projection within the organization.

[pt] A investigação procurou discutir três reformas administrativas realizadas no Brasil que, na literatura especializada, aparecem com destaque. A primeira delas se desenvolveu durante o primeiro governo Vargas, a segunda ocorreu no governo Castelo Branco, em 1967, e a última, implantada durante o governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso, em 1995, a única ocorrida em regime democrático. A análise sobre as reformas administrativas é norteada por três principais eixos analíticos. O primeiro diz respeito à definição do papel do Estado e de sua relação com o mercado. O segundo trata do desdobramento da reforma administrativa sobre o sistema federativo, especialmente se privilegiou a centralização ou descentralização. O terceiro se refere à complexa relação entre governo e sociedade, mais especificamente à convivência entre aspectos clientelistas e a busca pelo universalismo de procedimentos. Concluiu-se que durante o governo Vargas teve início o ciclo de reformas administrativas, com a tentativa de implantar o Estado burocrático racional-legal. Neste momento, predominou a ênfase na centralização política e intensa predominância da atuação estatal na economia. No governo Castelo Branco, o Decreto-lei número 200, de 1967, procurou fortalecer a administração indireta, em contexto de intensa centralização no governo federal e de ainda expansão do Estado nacional-desenvolvimentista. A reforma administrativa de 1995 pretendia substituir a administração burocrática por modelos pós-burocráticos. Não logrou êxito, em razão da perspectiva fiscal que prevalecia à época, entretanto, promoveu redefinição das funções do Estado por meio da realização de privatizações e da criação de agências reguladoras, assim como procurou abrir algum espaço para a descentralização. / [en] The investigation intends to discuss three administrative reforms that took place in Brazil and that are shown with distinction in specialized literature. The first of them developed during the first Vargas administration, the second during the Castelo Branco administration in 1967, and the last was implemented during the Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration in 1995, the only one occuring in a democratic regime. The analysis about the administrative reforms is guided by three main analytical axis. The first one concerns the definition of the role to be played by the State and of its relation to the Market. The second deals with the unfolding of the administrative reform over the federal system, more specifically if it prioritized centralization or decentralization. The third refers to the complex relationship between government and society, more specifically to the interactions between clientelistic aspects and a more universal approach towards general proceedings. It was concluded that during the Vargas administration a cycle of administrative reforms began with the intent to implement a bureaucratic rational-legal authority. In this particular moment, the emphasis in political centralization and in an intense presence of the State in the economy prevailed. In the course of the Castelo Branco administration, the 1967 decree-law number 200 intended to strengthen the indirect administration amid a moment of intense political centralization in the hands of the federal government and a parallel expansion of the national-developmentist State. The 1995 administrative reform intended to replace the bureaucratic administration models by post-bureaucratic ones. It did not succeed due to the fiscal perspectives that were predominant at the time. However, it provided a redefinition of the functions of the State by promoting privatizations and creating regulatory agencies, and aiming to find some space for decentralization.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T12:23:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2661723 bytes, checksum: 20cc4813ea6092110521b910464354fa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This study aims to identify the main actions of the period of the New State in Paraíba, in particular, the period of the Ruy Carneiro s Government, between 1940-1945. Thus, it will seek to analyze the process of centralization of the state and the bureaucratic reform - administrative, from the perspective of power relations established after the coup movement entitled "New State" of 1937. This study contributes to the local historiography citing the relations between this reform in the state apparatus in accordance with the programmatic line of action of the Government. The few studies that underlie the period 1940-1945 do not address in a systematic way the Government of Ruy Carneiro. Overall, what is known about this period, in the state of Paraíba, the news came only in the newspapers of the time and documents, reports, decrees or small texts with specific themes. As a contribution to the local historiography, this research seeks to delve into research on local governments Vargas period, specifically the Ruy Carneiro s Government. / O presente estudo tem por objetivo principal identificar as ações do período do Estado Novo na Paraíba, em especial, o período da Interventoria de Ruy Carneiro, entre 1940 a 1945. Desse modo, buscar-se-á analisar no âmbito do processo de centralização do Estado a reforma burocrática administrativa, sob a perspectiva das relações de poder estabelecidas depois do movimento golpista intitulado de Estado-Novo de 1937. Este estudo vem contribuir com a historiografia local citando as relações desta reforma no aparelho estatal em consonância com a linha programática de ação da Interventoria. Os poucos estudos que perpassam o período 1940-1945 não abordam de forma sistematizada a interventoria de Ruy Carneiro. No geral, o que se conhece sobre este período, na Paraíba, só nos chegou pelos noticiários dos jornais da época e por documentos, relatórios, decretos ou pequenos textos com temas específicos. Como contribuição à historiografia local, esta pesquisa procura aprofundar-se em estudos sobre as interventorias paraibanas do período Vargas, especificamente, a de Ruy Carneiro.

Orientador: Maria Encarnação Beltrão Sposito / Banca: Everaldo Santos Melazzo / Banca: Arthur Magon Whitacker / Banca: Beatriz Ribeiro Soares / Banca: Celene Cunha Monteiro Antunes Barreira / Resumo: Este estudo foi realizado com base na linha de pesquisa Desenvolvimento Regional e tem como foco a cidade de Sanclerlândia - GO, situada no cruzamento das Rodovias GO 164 e GO 326. O povoamento inicial que deu origem à cidade ocorreu nas décadas de 1930 e 1940, principalmente por migrantes mineiros. Um estabelecimento comercial, o cemitério, a capela de São Sebastião e uma escola pública; localizados às margens de uma estrada que interligava Mossâmedes a Córrego do Ouro são as bases de constituição da cidade. O Povoado do Barreirinho, primeira denominação de Sanclerlândia, foi elevado à condição de distrito e de município com a denominação de Sanclerlândia. Para o desenvolvimento desta investigação, levamos em conta a constituição e a ampliação das centralidades intra e interurbana na e da cidade. Até o início da década de 1990, ela foi uma cidade local sem influência expressiva na região. A partir de então, passou por um conjunto articulado de mudanças, muitas delas ainda em curso, cujos processos possibilitaram transformações no espaço intraurbano, inclusive com a ampliação de áreas de concentração das atividades comerciais e de serviços no centro da cidade. As transformações são expressivas também na relação interurbana de Sanclerlândia na e com a região, mais especificamente com a ampliação de influências nas cidades de Buriti de Goiás, Córrego do Ouro e Mossâmedes. Assim, os processos verificados na cidade definiram e definem, por enquanto, a centralidade da cidade no seu espaço interno, bem como na sua relação interurbana / Abstract: This study is based on the Regional Development line of research and focus the town called Sanclerlândia which is located approximately in the junction of the motorways GO-164 e GO-326 - state of Goiás. Its first settlement ocurred within 1930 and 1940 mainly by the "mineiros" (people originally from Minas Gerais, a state located in the south-east region of Brazil). A small shop, a cemetery, the Saint Sebastian Chapel and a state school, located just beside the main road that connect Mossâmedes to Córrego do Ouro are the basis of the constitution of this town. "O povoado do Barreirinho" the previous name for Sanclerlândia, was later raised to a condition of district and municipality thereafter being called Sanclerlândia. In order to develop this study we took into account the constitution and the expansion of it as a business and services centre within the town and also in relation to some neighbouring towns. Sanclerlândia was not a very influential district until the early 1990s. However, from then on, it went through a number of well-planned changes, some of them still developing, that made it possible to transform and develop the inner urban space, including the expansion of businesses, trading and services downtown. The transformation is also quite evident in relation to some neighbouring towns such as Buriti de Goiás, Córrego do Ouro and Mossâmedes, all of which have inscreasingly been influenced by all the changes in Sanclerlândia. Therefore, the development found in this town defined and define, for the time being, its capacity of being a businesses and services centre within its inner space, as well as being it in relation to other cities / Doutor

Este trabalho tem por objetivo operacionalizar dois conceitos caros a literatura sobre partidos políticos no Brasil e no mundo, quais sejam: centralização e nacionalização. Ambos são importantes não só para entender as organizações partidárias como unidades individuais, mas suas interações, em sistemas complexos. Ao invés de trabalhar com dados eleitorais enquanto indicadores de mensuração dos conceitos, operacionalizamos os mesmos a partir de informações referentes as prestações de contas dos partidos políticos brasileiros. Em especial, a distribuição que estes realizam dos recursos públicos oriundos do Fundo Partidário (FP), em sua dimensão federativa. A partir do tratamento quantitativo e qualitativo dos dados constatamos que os partidos no Brasil, de modo geral, tendem a manter os recursos do FP em sua esfera nacional, uma tendência centralizadora em termos financeiros. A distribuição dos recursos está associada a fatores como: ideologia, força eleitoral, número proporcional de mandatários e ex-mandatários nas Executivas Nacionais (“Parlamentarização”) e normas internas. Quanto a dimensão da nacionalização observamos que os partidos têm dois comportamentos estratégicos distintos: concentram recursos em estados específicos, quando estes são distribuídos; ou distribuem os recursos de maneira mais equânime entre os estados. A lógica se ancora no fortalecimento de bases eleitorais e organizacionais já existentes, mas, sobretudo, no beneficiamento dos estados em que há membros da Executiva Nacional e/ou lideranças regionais do partido com projeção nacional no interior da organização. / This work aims to operationalize two important concepts in the literature on political parties in Brazil and in the world, namely: centralization and nationalization. Both are important not only to understand party organizations as individual units, but their interactions, in complex systems. Instead of working with electoral data as indicator of the measurement of concepts, we operate them from information related to the rendering of accounts of Brazilian political parties. In particular, the distribution they make of the public resources coming from the Party Fund (PF), in its federative dimension. From the quantitative and qualitative treatment of the data, we find that the parties in Brazil, in general, tend to keep the resources of the PF in their national sphere, a centralizing tendency in financial terms. The distribution of resources is associated with factors such as: ideology, electoral strength, proportional number of leaders and ex-leaders in the National Executive Offices ("Parliamentarization") and internal norms. Regarding the dimension of nationalization, we observe that the parties have two distinct strategic behaviors: they concentrate resources in specific states, when these are distributed; or distribute resources more equitably across states. The logic are anchored in the strengthening of existing electoral and organizational bases, but above all in the beneficiation of states where there are members of the National Executive and / or regional leadership of the party with national projection within the organization.

A metrópole de São Paulo passa por profundas transformações desde a década de 1990. O chamado vetor sudoeste se elaborou como a novacentralidade econômica do país. Esse processo se remete à reprodução do espaço urbano como condição, meio e produto da acumulação de capital. A potência desse fenômeno e dessa condição é relativamente nova. A história da concentração geográfica do capitalna cidade de São Paulo favoreceu sempre a abertura de novas oportunidades de investimentos in loco, mas a intensidade do processo aumenta exponencialmente quando um movimento de concentração começa a dar lugar à centralização geográfica do capital.A partir daí, a concentração se torna, ela mesma, a condição de reposição de novas oportunidades de investimentos na centralidade constituída, numa dinâmica que consome configurações espaciais previamente capitalistas. Trata-se de uma acumulação especificamente urbana. No Brasil, essa dinâmica espacial do capital não foi tão significativa até a década de 1990. A hipótese que explica esse descompasso no caso brasileiro reconhece a prioridade do processo de produção sobre a reprodução do espaço urbano. Isso significa que a urbanização se estendeu no tempo porque pôde se estender no espaço. A urbanização expandida do território brasileiro foi aqui objeto da ação de um Estado comprometido com a realização do capital e assim absorveu lucrativamente os excedentes frequentemente gerados na economia brasileira. Com a crise do Estado desenvolvimentista e com as condições apresentadas nos grandes centros nacionais, o processo de valorização exigiu mais do que se podia conseguir com a manutenção de uma enfraquecida dinâmica expansionista. Aqui o Estado se reorganiza e cria novos instrumentosque o permitem atuar na escala metropolitana. A produção de novas centralidades, como momento da reprodução do espaço urbano, e a centralização geográfica diminuem a importância das dinâmicas expansionistas na realização do capital. A intensificação geográfica do capital, na era das finanças mundializadas, passa a compor o centro das estratégias de acumulação. / The metropolis of São Paulo has undergone profound changes since the 1990s. The so-called southwest vector has established itself as the new economic centre in the country. This process relates to the reproduction of the urban space as a condition, means and product of capital accumulation. The strength of this phenomenon and of this condition is relatively new. The history of the geographical concentration of capital in the city of São Paulo has always privileged new investment opportunitiesin loco, however, whenever the movement of concentration starts to give way to geographic centralization of capital, the process intensifies exponentially. At this point, the concentration itself becomes the condition for the reestablishment of new investment opportunities in the recently instituted centrality: a dynamics that consume previous capitalist spatial configurations. And thisis a specifically urban accumulation. In Brazil, the spatial dynamics of capital had not been significant until the 1990s decade. The hypothesis used to explain the mismatch in the case of Brazil recognizes the priority of the production process over thereproduction of the urban space. That means that the urbanization has extended in time just because it could extend in space. The expanded urbanization of the Brazilian territory has been the result of a state policy committed to capital development, therefore, it has absorbed profitably the surpluses frequently generated in the Brazilian economy. Due to the crisis of developmentalism and the conditions prevailing in the major national centers, the valorization process required more than could be achieved with the maintenance of a weak expansionist dynamics. From this point on, the state reorganizes itself and creates new instruments that permit action at the metropolitan scale. The production of new centers, as a dimension of the reproduction of urban space, as well as the geographical centralization, diminish the importance of the expansionist dynamics for capital. In the age of global finance, the geographical intensification of capital becomes the mainstay of accumulation strategies.

The birth of a new South Africa in 1994 necessitated various reforms in education, and like in many other countries, decentralization was imperative in order to address, among other issues, the undemocratic governance practices and inequalities of the former apartheid educational system. This study interrogates the establishment of districts and circuits in Mpumalanga as nodes of service delivery, immediately after South Africa’s first democratic elections in 1994. It also focuses on their demise in 2001 and the birth of regions. The study investigates the rationale behind these processes that took place in Mpumalanga, through posing three main research questions: 1. Which decentralization model(s) informed the formation of districts and circuits in the Mpumalanga Department of Education? 2. What circumstances led to the dismantling of districts and their amalgamation into regions? 3. What has been the effect of this shift on service delivery in circuits and schools? (Did it lead to an improvement or decline in service delivery, education governance in the province, effectiveness and efficiency?) The methodology used in this study is the qualitative framework. The qualitative research approach is appropriate for investigating the rationale behind the shift from the district structure to the regional structure in Mpumalanga, with the Ehlanzeni region as a case study. This phenomenon can be best understood by using a qualitative approach to investigate how those involved conceptualized and experienced the whole process. The data collection method is face-to-face, unstructured, in-depth interviews. The study argues that the shift from districts to regions in Mpumalanga is the result of inadequacies in the district structure which caused districts to fail. These inadequacies filtered down to the performance of roles and responsibilities which led to the demise of districts and their amalgamation into regions, which were given more powers and resources in order to fulfill their mandate. This study uses Samoff’s (1990) decentralization typologies as a lens through which the establishment of districts and circuits, their demise, and the reorganization into regions can be conceptualized. This study found that districts and circuits were established in line with the government’s principle of taking government to the people; in that they were closer to the people they served. Districts and circuits were field offices that were strategically established to assist the province in delivering services to the people as well as encouraging community participation in education. Districts and circuits failed to perform their roles and responsibilities as expected, due to lack of power and authority, resources (physical; human and financial), capacity, coordination and financial support. This led to their restructuring into regions in order to reduce costs, consolidate expertise, provide resources, and grant more powers for them to perform well and achieve efficacy. This study contributes to the body of literature and understanding of the ramifications of decentralization. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Education Management and Policy Studies / unrestricted