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Calls to ensure the attainment of sustainable development across the development spectrum in the world today need one to understand in depth the role played by all stakeholders. For a long time, Civil society organizations (CSOs) have contributed immensely to the realization of the social pillar i.e., social transformation initiatives, family building, cultural value upholding and respect for individual human rights,etc. of sustainable development through the inclusive engagement of all sections of society. A big part of their focus has been on youth following CSOs’ acknowledgment of youth as the leaders of tomorrow. This acknowledgment has also been actualized through CSO efforts such as empowering youth to participate in low-level democratic processes of their organizations and groups. This thesis paper attempts to deepen and expand on how Civil society activism has for a while now concentrated on building society with the approach of ensuring local ownership. The approach led to the inclusion of youth in the development interventions which for a long time now started paying off. The endless objective participation of youth in many social issues like the demand for social accountability today has a big contribution from the work of Civil society Organizations.I argue in the paper that with the increasing regression of democratic practices in the world, the most affected category of society is the youth and mainly those believing in being a part of contributing to social development based on their lived experiences as well as acquired knowledge.

My diploma thesis consists of theoretical and empirical parts. The theoretical part is focused on the definition of migration and integration of migrants, both at the international, national and regional context. A special chapter is devoted to the theory of civic participation of migrants. The concept of civic participation is perceived in relation to the non- governmental organizations. The aim of the empirical part is focused on providing the further insight into the civic participation of Russian minorities in the public life of Czech civil society based on the research of the civil society organizations associating Russian community. Qualitative research is conducted through the structured interviews with representatives of these organizations, which are analyzed by the method of open and selective coding. The research results are presented in the analytical findings with a view to identifying barriers to civic participation of Russian minorities in the Czech Republic as well as the subsequent recommendations to overcome them. Key words: civil society organizations, integration, migrant, migration, minority, participation

This field study is a thematic and feminist institutionalist analysis on how the civil society and grassroot activists in Gauteng province, South Africa, has been affected and mitigated during and after the COVID -19 pandemic in their work against gender-based violence. The data consist of five semi structured interviews with primary sources, divided in the two sub-groups of activists and formal NGO representatives.  The study presents civil society and activist viewpoints on adaptation, feminist movement building as well as shrinking space and crisis within crisis. This qualitative study is a thematic analysis linked to the theoretical framework of feminist institutionalism in the context of South Africa. The results reflect issues of representation, power balances linked to organizational status, accountability, transparency, and democracy. Conclusion of this study is that need for adaptation and to mitigate the crisis within crisis (GBV and COVID -19 pandemic) is predominant for all stakeholders, but the viewpoints on how the pandemic affected the cooperation within the civil society sector varies between the two subgroups. The formal NGO’s viewpoint in this study is that the pandemic strengthened the cooperation within civil society and with institutions. However, the grassroot activist group’s perspective is that the pandemic created a split within the feminist movement. Shrinking democratic space is evidently affecting the grassroot activist group to a larger extent. The formal NGO group articulates an improved dialogue and cooperation with institutions and an enhanced political will to address gender-based violence.  All stakeholders that were interviewed in this study articulates that the context with new emerging crises, such as power-poverty, inflation and food shortage are challenging the possibilities to address the “shadow pandemic” of gender-based violence which is still a predominant human rights and democratic crisis in South Africa. This study contributes to the context analysis around implementation of the national strategic plan on gender-based violence and femicide and informs on challenges on feminist institutionalism in post-pandemic South Africa.

In this thesis, I explore the topic of migration and specifically the case of Calais. Approaching it from a non-state perspective, I focus on the practices of civil society organizations that support people on the move and ask if and how these practices challenge state policies and practices. With the conscious decision to focus on this type of actor, coupled with a reflexivist methodology, I seek to disrupt the dominant narrative constructed by France, the United Kingdom and European Union, and avoid reproducing state- and Eurocentric knowledge in academia. In order to gain an in-depth understanding, I conducted ethnographic fieldwork in form of participant observation and semi-structured interviews in Calais between the beginning of April and May 2022. Drawing on additional textual data and engaging with scholarly debates on the concept of solidarity, I adapt the concept of “de-bordering solidarity” to analyse the practices of CSOs embedded within the border zone's local and regional context. I conclude by arguing that they do challenge the state while also highlighting the nuances and contradictions of solidarity practices.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-04-19T12:00:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Helda Oliveira Abumanssur.pdf: 913481 bytes, checksum: 0c826544a4daa4cfe2a9cb40591d912f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-19T12:00:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Helda Oliveira Abumanssur.pdf: 913481 bytes, checksum: 0c826544a4daa4cfe2a9cb40591d912f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-03 / Fundação São Paulo - FUNDASP / The present study was developed based on the assumption that the democratic vitality of a society depends on the diversity, energy and autonomy of its social institutions, and it is important to undertake research in order to increase the knowledge and understanding about its performance and social impacts of its work .The focus was on the entities that work in the promotion and defense of human rights in Brazil, especially those that had their trajectory related to the centers of advice and support to the popular movements that resisted the military dictatorship. The general objective was to identify the specificities and to broaden the understanding of power relations in the management of the organizations studied; and particularly sought to identify and analyze the principles and values that guided the structuring of its management systems; to verify if and how adaptations were made in the same ones during the period of time delimited for this work (military dictatorship until the end of the governments Fernando Henrique Cardoso); and highlight the knowledge they have elaborated in the process, from their practice. To achieve these objectives, interviews were conducted with leaders of five rights-advocacy organizations, whose content were analyzed using the genealogy of power, as proposed by Michel Foucault, a theoretical framework understood as adequate to reflect on the work of entities struggling for justice, to reduce inequalities, and that are against discrimination in social relations. In other words, organizations that want to influence how power is distributed in society / O presente estudo foi desenvolvido a partir do pressuposto de que a vitalidade democrática de uma sociedade depende da diversidade, energia e autonomia de suas instituições sociais, sendo importante empreender pesquisas no sentido de ampliar o conhecimento e compreensão sobre sua atuação e impactos sociais do seu trabalho. Nele, o foco recaiu sobre as entidades que trabalham na promoção e defesa de direitos no Brasil, em especial aquelas que tiveram sua trajetória relacionada aos centros de assessoria e apoio aos movimentos populares que resistiram à ditadura militar. Como objetivo geral, estabeleceu-se o interesse de identificar as especificidades e ampliar a compreensão das relações de poder na gestão das organizações estudadas; e de forma particular, buscou-se: identificar e analisar os princípios e valores que orientaram a estruturação dos seus sistemas de gestão; verificar se e como foram feitas adaptações neles ao longo do período de tempo delimitado para este trabalho (ditadura militar até o fim dos governos Fernando Henrique Cardoso); e ressaltar os conhecimentos que elaboraram no processo, a partir de sua prática. Para alcançar esses objetivos, foram feitas entrevistas com dirigentes de cinco entidades de defesa de direitos, cujo conteúdo foi analisado a partir da genealogia de poder proposta por Michel Foucault, marco teórico entendido como adequado para refletir sobre o trabalho de entidades que lutam por justiça, pela diminuição das desigualdades, e são contra discriminações nas relações sociais. Em outras palavras, as organizações que querem influenciar a forma como o poder se distribui na sociedade

This thesis tries to analyze the role of civil society within the process of democratization in Turkey with special reference to the impact of civil society policies of the EU on the internal operating styles of civil society organizations in Turkey. In this respect, a critical evaluation of the said issue was tried to be put forward in the sense that the extensive discussions on the concept of civil society were examined and gathered with the observations and empirical evidence gained on the subject in order to reach an answer on the very nature of civil society-democracy relationship. In doing this, the purpose was to uncover the reasons behind the recent popularization of the concept as an indispensable precondition of democracy and to question whether certain circumstances exist under which the term may rather harm than enable the process of democratization. Within this framework, the consideration of the civil society policies of the EU implemented in Turkey was seen as all the more necessary because of the fact that the process of Turkey&rsquo / s EU membership has major implications for not only the process of democratization in Turkey, but also on the development of civil society as a significant part of this process. In accordance with the purpose of the study, in order to understand the extent of democratic capacity of civil society organizations in Turkey and the impact of the EU in that sense, a field research was conducted in Ankara, Turkey with the participation of 46 CSOs active mostly in the fields of women, children, disabled, human rights and environment. Through the field research, the main purpose was to understand the dynamics of the internal operating styles of those organizations, their views concerning the relations between CSOs as well as between the CSOs and the state on the one hand, to measure the extent to which their participation to civil society programs of the EU influence their intra-organizational structures on the other. According to the results of the field research, over the experience of 46 participant organizations, an analysis of the extent to which the EU-implemented civil society programs serve for the building of democratic capacity of civil society organizations in Turkey was tried to be made.

Doctor Legum - LLD / The persistence of preventable Maternal Morbidity and Mortality (hereafter MMM), in the developing world, despite ground breaking technological and scientific advances, is unacceptable. There is no cause of death and disability for men between ages 15 and 44 that comes close to the large scale of maternal mortality and morbidity. Thus, the prevalence of high MMM ratios indicates the side-lining of women's rights. Surprisingly, the causal factors of preventable MMM and interventions needed to reverse the pervasively high numbers are now well known. Yet, hundreds of women continue to die daily and to suffer lifelong illnesses while giving birth. In Uganda, despite various regulatory, policy and programmatic strategies, the most recent survey revealed that the maternal mortality ratios were at a staggering 438 per 100,000 live births.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-01T19:18:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Morgana1.pdf: 314849 bytes, checksum: 0e76a30ac473b73d89fbc3ab4732ce74 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-07-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / In recent decades, Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) have played a central role on the stage of public sphere. The expansion of the interest in CSOs has been accompanied by criticisms against their performance, questioning mainly their representativeness, impact, accountability, transparency, in short, their own legitimacy. In this scenario, the present work parts of the following research question: what are the dominant justifications that support the role and the existence of CSOs, providing them with legitimacy, according to representative actors of the field? To answer this question, the theoretical methodological path is structured in Five chapters, besides the introduction and conclusion. In Chapter 1 we enter into the theoretical debate about legitimacy of CSOs, which is composed mostly by studies that focus on technical issues and seek to identify the presence of factors that confer legitimacy for CSOs. This dissertation, however, addresses the phenomenon as a social construct that depends on the CSOs and on the external forces with which they interact. To better understand how legitimacy is constructed, in Chapter 2 we mobilize the Economies of Worth theory, formulated by Boltanski and Thévenot (1991), for which the construction of agreements in society takes place through processes of justifications that legitimize them, based on the common worlds, resulting in the construction of an analytical framework to examine the logics behind the legitimacy of CSOs. In Chapter 3, by analyzing the trajectory of the field in Brazil, we seek to identify the common worlds that underlie the construction of legitimacy of CSOs, which allowed the formulation of research hypotheses. The methodology of the work is described in Chapter 4 and the method used is the content analysis of interviews held with 46 managers of CSOs performing in the capitals of southern Brazil. As results, explored in Chapter 5, the presence of several common worlds was observed in the justifications of the actors. Through frequency analysis, it is verified that 42.01% of the relevant words belong to the industrial world; 29.11% to civic world; 10.10% to domestic world; 8.57% to world of projects; 7.58% to marked world; 1.42% to world of fame and 1.12% to world of inspiration. It was observed that there are conflicts between the logics that cohabit the field, but these disputes are not very explicit, since there is a process of adaptation and homogenization of the practices of CSOs to meet the tests which they are subjected to (mostly belonging to the industrial world). The common worlds present in the field also build bridges between themselves and some of these commitments generate wider repercussions, such as the terms social responsibility, solidarity economy and sustainable development. Finally, we realize that there are logics that isolate the existence of others, with a large predominance of the industrial logic, overshadowing logics that have been representative for the field, as the inspired and domestic ones. The results corroborate the conclusion that the dimensions of legitimacy that predominate in CSOs nowadays are the pragmatic and the moral dimensions, which are based on the response to the demands of stakeholders and encourage the adaptation of CSOs to externally set standards. In this sense, to strengthen democracy, it is recommended that CSOs focus on the cognitive dimension of legitimacy, influencing the external environment in the construction of meanings for their existence and fostering the conceiving of their own conventions for legitimacy / Nas últimas décadas, as Organizações da Sociedade Civil (OSCs) têm assumido um papel central no palco da esfera pública. A ampliação do interesse pelas OSCs veio acompanhada por críticas à sua atuação, tendo destaque os construída, recorremos no Capítulo 2 à Teoria das Grandezas, formulada por Boltanski e Thévenot (1991), segundo a qual a construção de acordos se dá por meio de processos de justificações que os legitimam, baseados nos mundos comuns, resultando na construção de um quadro de análise para examinar as lógicas que embasam a legitimidade das OSCs. Buscou-se, no Capítulo 3, a partir da análise da trajetória do campo no Brasil, identificar os mundos comuns que fundamentaram a construção da legitimidade das OSCs, o que permitiu formular as hipóteses de pesquisa. A metodologia do trabalho é descrita no Capítulo 4 e a análise de conteúdo de entrevistas com gestores de 46 OSCs que atuam nas capitais do Sul do Brasil foi utilizada como método. Como resultados, explorados no Capítulo 5, verificou-se a presença de diversos mundos comuns nas justificações dos atores. Na análise frequencial aufere-se que 42,01% das palavras significativas pertencem ao mundo industrial; 29,11% ao cívico; 10,18% ao doméstico; 8,57% ao de projetos; 7,58% ao mercantil; 1,43% ao da fama e 1,12% ao da inspiração. Observou-se que existem conflitos entre as lógicas que coabitam o campo, porém estas disputas não são muito explícitas, visto que ocorre um processo de adequação e homogeneização das práticas das OSCs para corresponderem aos testes aos quais são submetidas (pertencentes na sua maioria ao mundo industrial). Os mundos comuns presentes no campo também constroém pontes entre si e alguns desses compromissos geram repercussões mais amplas, como é o caso dos termos responsabilidade social, economia solidária e desenvolvimento sustentável. Finalmente, percebe-se que existem lógicas que isolam a existência de outras, com ampla predominância da lógica industrial, ofuscando lógicas que já foram representativas para o campo, como a inspirada e a doméstica. Os resultados corroboram para concluir que as dimensões da legitimidade que predominam nas OSCs na atualidade são a pragmática e a moral, as quais têm por base a resposta às demandas dos stakeholders e estimulam a adaptação das OSCs a padrões externamente estabelecidos. Nesse sentido, para fortalecer a democracia, recomenda-se que as OSCs focalizem a dimensão cognitiva da legitimidade, influenciando o ambiente externo na construção dos sentidos para a sua existência e promovendo a concepção de suas próprias convenções de legitimidadequestionamentos sobre representatividade, impacto, accountability, transparência, em suma, sobre a sua própria legitimidade. Nesse cenário, esse trabalho parte da seguinte pergunta de pesquisa: quais são as justificações dominantes que embasam a atuação e a existência das OSCs, e, portanto, lhes conferem legitimidade, de acordo com os atores representativos do campo? Para responder esta questão, o caminho teórico metodológico se estrutura em cinco capítulos, além da introdução e conclusão. No Capítulo 1 adentramos no debate teórico sobre legitimidade, o qual é composto, na sua maioria, por estudos que focalizam aspectos técnicos e buscam identificar a presença de fatores que conferem legitimidade às OSCs. Esta dissertação, no entanto, aborda o fenômeno como um construto social que depende das OSCs e das forças externas com as quais interagem. Para compreender melhor como a legitimidade é

I denna uppsats undersöks hur problem kring bidragsgivning till civilsamhället framställs i Demokrativillkorsutredningen (SOU 2019:35) om skärpta demokratvillkor. Givet att civilsamhällesforskningen pekar på att det offentliga alltmer knutit civilsamhället närmare till sig är det intressant att studera den förändrade relationen i förhållande till den skärpta bidragsreformen. Med en kritiskt granskande ansats kombineras fenomenet shrinking civic space med Carol Bacchis policymetod What’s the Problem Represented to be (WPR) för att analysera statens föreställningar om det odemokratiska civilsamhället samt för att sätta begreppet krympande civilsamhällsutrymme inom en svensk kontext.  Studien av dagens civilsamhällsdiskurs visar att det odemokratiska civilsamhället antas hindras genom ökade kontroller både av de offentliga bidragsgivarna och organisationerna själva. För detta framstår civilsamhällsorganisationer behöva ha fullständig koll på sin verksamhet. Med dagens problemföreställningar och lösningsförslag konstruerar staten således en ny civilsamhällsroll kännetecknad av säkerhetsarbete, kontroll och misstänksamhet. Därmed identifieras modern demokratidiskurs i samverkan med säkerhetiseringsdiskursen bidra till en tudelning av civilsamhället med binära effekter som utgör en grund för att diskutera effekten shrinking space. Studien visar även en frånvaro av civilsamhällets särart samt att interna och externa maktrelationer under de nya demokrativillkoren kan få missgynnande effekter för nyare, mer kontroversiella och marginaliserade civilsamhällsgrupper. / In this essay I examine how problems concerning contributions to civil society are presented in the Democracy Conditions Inquiry (SOU 2019: 35) on stricter democratic conditions. Given that civil society research indicates that the public sector has become more closely associated with civil society, it is interesting to study the changed relationship in relation to the stricter benefit reform. With a critical approach, the phenomenon of shrinking civic space is combined with Carol Bacchi's policy method What's the Problem Represented to be (WPR) in order to analyze the state's notions of undemocratic civil society and to put the concept of shrinking civil society space within a Swedish context. The study of today's civil society discourse shows that the undemocratic civil society is assumed to be hindered by increased controls by both the public donors and the organizations themselves. For this, civil society organizations appear to need to have complete control over their activities. With today's problem representation and solution proposals, the state thus constructs a new civil society role characterized by securitization, control, and suspicion. Thus, modern democracy discourse is identified in collaboration with the security discourse to contribute to a division of civil society with binary effects that form a basis for discussing the effect shrinking space. The study also shows an absence of the special nature of civil society and that internal and external power relations under the new democratic conditions can have unfavorable effects for newer, more controversial, and marginalized civil society groups.