The recent civil war in Sierra Leone (1991-2002) saw massive migrations amongst the civilian population and widespread damage to villages and towns. This study combines elements of military and cultural geography to ask the questions of how the events of the war changed the cultural landscape and how the cultural landscape influenced the course of the war. Fieldwork for this study was conducted during the summer of 2005 in the Eastern Province and included numerous semi-structured interviews regarding the landscape histories of villages, towns, and various temporary camps. These findings revealed that a clear relationship existed between the civil war and the cultural landscape. On the one hand, the war caused dramatic changes in the morphology of the cultural landscape, creating three distinct landscapes (pre-war, wartime, and post-war), while on the other hand the cultural landscape went far to structure the character of the war. In order to understand how the cultural landscape structured the war one must first consider how the landscape was perceived by each major faction (Revolutionary United Front, Sierra Leone Army, and Civil Defense Forces) as presenting a unique set of risks and opportunities. This perception was based in their strategic intentions and capabilities. Intentions can be understood as military objectives (derived from political goals), while capabilities can be understood as factors which constrain and enable action. Since each faction had different military objectives and capabilities they each perceived the landscape in a unique manner and this perception influenced their military operations. It is recommended that cultural geographers begin to study the impacts of war on the landscape and that military geographers expand their focus on the physical landscape by taking into account the role of the cultural landscape and environmental perception.

This thesis explores and provides analysis on several areas of study related to the history of the Confederate States Marine Corps that have long been neglected. It examines the military and political processes that were instrumental in both creating and employing a Southern Marine Corps. It also investigates relationships between the U.S. and Confederate Marine Corps, particularly in light of how the experiences of former U.S. Marines shaped the growth of the Southern Corps. In particular, the thesis asserts that, despite shared origins, the CSMC seized on opportunities presented by the Civil War and became expert in new mission areas through the efforts of a core group of determined and experienced leaders. In the process, the CSMC came to eclipse its Northern cousin, becoming a valued and vital element of the Confederate Navy. The CSMC is examined in light of its national service, thereby affording fresh perspectives on the patterns formed by its actions as part of the Southern war effort. This new research framework supports a better understanding of the roles and missions expected by Southern leaders from their Corps, and more clearly illuminates the CSMC’s differences. In particular, this approach highlights the inherent strengths of the CSMC’s unique structure that lent itself to a more efficient concept of employment. Finally, this thesis asserts that the CSMC became, for its abbreviated history, the agile, innovative, and versatile fighting unit that, man-for-man, the U.S. Marine Corps would not achieve until some time late in the nineteenth century. However, the lessons of its service were not realized, in part because of its relative historical obscurity.

The Tanzimat period had been an era of political change and transformation for the Ottoman Empire as it introduced many new new tools in political arena, particularly to reach centralization and the whole period is widely debated in many successful studies. However, the implementation of the Tanzimat reforms in specific provinces are generally ignored. Similarly, 19th century civil turmoil in the Syrian provinces of the Ottoman Empire had been a subject that discussed frequently. However, in many studies the events are generally discussed only as a religious conflict between Muslims and Druzes rather than a reflection of a complex system of political and socio-economic factors. In this context, the role of the Tanzimat reforms are generally ignored. This study aims to adress these two points at the same time. First it focuses on the specific implementation of the Tanzimat reforms in Lebanon rather than the promised aspects of the package. It details how the reforms were implemented, why it was implemented in that specific form, what were the complaints and the results. Second, it tries to understand the civil war in Lebanon in terms of a complex web of state-society relations. It puts the state at the center of analysis and shows how the implementation of the reforms effected the factors that led to the civil war and its different dimensions.

<p>The Syrian de facto occupation of Lebanon since 1976 is usually interpreted as the expression of the Syrian regime's adherence to traditional power considerations, rather than to the ideology of the ruling Ba'th party. In particular since Syria originally intervened on the side of the pro-status quo Lebanese Christians, and helped them defeat the anti-status quo Lebanese Muslims and Palestinians. In other words, they intervened against its traditional allies. The central question posed in this study is: Why is Lebanon so important to Syria that it is willing to make large human and material sacrifices in order to retain its grip on this small strip of territory? The traditional answers to this question are not satisfactory; the need for an alternative approach is apparent. While not refuting the description of Syrian policies as being based on pragmatic considerations, this analysis attempts to show that Syrian policies toward Lebanon in fact originate in the fundamental values promoted by Ba'th ideology. By employing a cognitive theoretical approach, the perceptions held by the Syrian leadership at the time of Syrian intervention are taken into account. This approach allows a number of key images to emerge, notably the image of an external plot against the Arab nation; one of the cornerstones of Ba'th ideology. When studying the modern day relationship between Syria and Lebanon, the same focus on Arab unity and the historical brotherly ties between the two countries can be identified. Hafez al-Asad's death and the rise to power of his son, Bashar al-Asad, has not lead to a radical change in Syrian policy, rather it is apparent that the same considerations and the same underlying images still guide the Syrian decision-makers. The result is that although pragmatism guides Syrian policies, the ideology of the Ba'th party sets the frames for this pragmatism and that a traditional two-state model cannot be applied on the relationship between Syria and Lebanon. The central finding in this study is that the Syrian leadership will go to great lengths to ensure Lebanon stays Arab and preserve the last remains of Arab unity in the face of the Zionist enemy. In the struggle against Israel, Syria and Lebanon are to remain Brothers in Arms.</p>

Title from title page of PDF (University of Missouri--St. Louis, viewed February 23, 2010). Includes bibliographical references (p. 151-166).

Textbooks are a significant element of the social studies curriculum and teacher pedagogical choice (Apple, 2004; Apple & Christian-Smith, 1991). Students' views of American history are dramatically affected by the textbook narratives to which they are exposed, and teachers often tilt their curricular choices based on the textbooks available to them (Luke, 2006; Schug, Western & Enochs, 1997). The history of our nation's armed conflicts is often presented, through our textbooks and our pedagogy, as a history of reluctant violence, which promotes a particular moral agenda that exerts control over our students' future beliefs and decisions. This is particularly important with regard to our textbook depictions of the U.S. Civil War, which holds a curricular status as a necessary and moral conflict. The "just war" doctrine is a philosophical framework which allows individuals to consider the ethical conditions under which war may be morally permissible, and it provides our students with an opportunity to engage in critical thinking regarding our nation's historical policies. The utility of the "just war" doctrine in American history classrooms is a topic that is largely unexplored in social science education. Therefore, using a critical analysis methodology that evaluates textbook depictions of the U.S. Civil War from a "just war" doctrinal perspective, the ensuing study will contribute to the research base in social science education by elaborating a framework from which teachers may approach the moral realities of war with their students.

The civil war in Finland became a great political battle between the Swedish Social Demo- cratic Party (SAP) and the Swedish Social Democratic Left-Wing Party (SSV) during spring 1918. Few studies about Swedish media report have been published that has a connection to the Finnish civil war. This composition has compared three socialist newspapers – Folkets Dagblad Politiken (FDP), Norrskensflamman and Social-Demokraten – formation of opinion. In the Swedish parliament’s lower chamber a significant interpellation debate took place, which this composition compares with the newspapers, in order to identify if the debate affected the newspapers reports.This composition administers a qualitative method by the use of text analytical elements. This allows findings of differences in the media reports during February 1918. The newspapers media opinion and the lower chamber members’ statements’ has been studied throughout three aspects: which causalities they gave to the civil war, how they related to the Swedish government commitment to Finland and how they related to the national political “Finnish debate”. In general, the Left-Wing Party supported the Finnish social democrats rising, whereas the Swedish Social Democrats couldn’t authorize the rising. Instead they emphasized that they acted on the will of the Swedish population, by keeping Sweden out of the war.The differences between the Left-Wing Party and the Social Democrats were vast during the debate. One could understand this polemic by applying Gunnar Sjöbloms theoretical concept of how parties construct their political ambitions in a multiparty system. The Left-Wing was more idealistic in the debate, compared to the Social Democrats who were more practical. The Social Democrats was for the first time in Swedish history in a ministry cabinet, together with the Liberal Party. Thus the ambition for the SAP was to show their voters that the party was “governmental capable”. SAP couldn’t legitimize nor admit the Finnish rising, thus they accentuated the democratic inviolableness. SSVs’ more idealistic standpoint became clear when they supported the Finnish Social Democratic rising. Therefore, SAPs’ focus was to maximize their parliamentary influence, while SSVs’ focus was to realize their political, ideological program. Thus the parties’ had different political ambition, which became clear during the “Finland debate”.Keywords: Finnish civil war, SAP, SSV, Folkets Dagblad Politiken, Norrskensflamman, Social-Demokraten, formation of opinion.

During the American Civil War Wilmington, North Carolina and the Bermudian ports of St. Georges and Hamilton served as vital links in a complex trading network that developed to facilitate the exchange of southern agricultural products for war materials and civilian merchandise through a Union blockade of the Confederacy. Although that material contributed significantly to the Confederate war effort, Anglo-Confederate blockade running has received limited scholarly attention. Much of the associated literature is based on memoirs rather than scholarship and does not accurately, reflect that necessarily clandestine trade. The primary goal of this thesis is to produce a more comprehensive and detailed picture of blockade running, the cargoes carried through the Union blockade and the powerful steam vessels that made Anglo-Confederate commerce possible. Unlike previous treatments, this thesis combines the results of both archival and archaeological research. The results illustrate the evolution of strategies involved in both establishing and maintaining the blockade and those developed for running the blockade. Assessment of the vessel remains and historical data associated with the construction and procurement of steamers identifies the vessel types and confirms that blockade runners adapted extant technology. Contrary to the popularly held impression, no technological innovations were specifically developed to address the demands of the trade. The spatial distribution of wrecks and the minimal amount of cultural material surviving in association with them, provides strong evidence that cargoes were more valuable than the vessels. That premise influenced the strategy adopted by blockade runners. While Confederate salvors left little evidence of cargo, historical research revealed a wealth of new insight into the specific nature of that material. This new evidence provides a more accurate and detailed picture of Anglo- Confederate blockade running and the strategies, ships and cargoes that made blockade running between Wilmington and Bermuda a success.

Colombia's protracted civil war between Marxist insurgencies and the state has brought grave consequences for the civilian population and the prospects for constructing a viable political community in the country. With up to 5 million internally displaced people, rampant impunity for perpetrators of crimes against humanity and human rights and International Humanitarian Law violations, dozens of politicians and countless members of the armed forces linked to paramilitary organizations, along with increasing social injustices and inequalities, Colombia presents a troubling social-political panorama that has led to what is often referred to as a profound social and institutional 'moral crisis'. Much discussion has centred on the question of achieving some degree of minimal moral and political consensus and 'collective conscience' to humanize and slowly transform the conflict at local, regional and national levels. However, the philosophical and political parameters of this discussion have been and continue to be set firmly within variants of the liberal tradition which, it is argued, does not provide the necessary resources for adequately conceptualizing the problem and conceiving the task of addressing conflict, constructing moral consensus, and seeking social and political coexistence. The thesis argues that the philosophy of Alasdair MacIntyre can provide such resources. MacIntyre provides a convincing account of the philosophical problems that underlie ongoing intractable disagreement and the conflicts it breeds, offering a philosophy that can inform and underpin efforts at social transformation, resistance, and coexistence as well as aiding the necessary task of social scientific research and analysis of the conflict. The thesis analyses the moral dimensions of the conflict in light of MacIntyre's philosophy but also critically explores the adequacy of his politics of local community for the Colombian context. MacIntyre argues that a rational political community can only be constructed through the praxis of local communities engaging in shared moral-political deliberation. Through an empirical case study of a Constituent Assembly process in a rural community that has suffered the impacts of armed conflict for decades, the thesis explores an attempt at constructing peaceful social and political coexistence in light of MacIntyre's moral-sociological framework.

How can politically and ecologically vulnerable groups come to productively govern the development process? The current environmental crisis is felt most intensely by marginalized groups whose livelihoods, food security, and health are threatened as development-driven environmental problems increase. This study looks at the intersection between the state, the economy, and the grassroots as key decision-makers shape the development trajectory: environmental factions of the rebels-turned-politicians in Aceh, Indonesia, the pro-autonomy indigenous movement in the Ecuadorian Amazon, and pro-democracy insurgents in the United States. The subsequent chapters track and analyze the varied fates of insurgents in each site as they attempt to democratize the state and acquire control over local ecologies. The conclusion explores these movements as the tip of a much deeper iceberg of conflict between extractive development and anti-colonialism.