This thesis is an exploration of how Senghorian thought can be useful for rethinking development. I argue that the criticisms provided by post-development are valid but that we need not reject development entirely. Rather than basing development in paternalism and charity, a foundation that will support and cultivate equality is necessary. I argue that Senghor's philosophy is particularly useful for rethinking development because it involves the deconstruction of colonial legacies, especially notions of inferiority and superiority. Furthermore, a Senghorian approach is useful because his cosmopolitan vision is based on ultimate equality that still recognizes and encourages cultural difference and finally, because his philosophy prescribes a way for humans to live in harmony with nature.

Despite longstanding attention to rhetorical form and structuring logics that give discourse its persuasive power (metaphor, genre, narrative, definitional frames, ideology, etc.), the relative amount of publication attending to international rhetoric remains slight. As the composition of audience(s) has stretched to global proportions the challenges of apprehending the manifold cross-cultural complexities for presidential address have expanded. Spanning five decades and three presidencies (Kennedy, H.W. Bush and Clinton), this dissertation takes presidential public address at the United Nations as its object of study in an effort to help remedy this shortcoming, while also aiming to provide a richer theoretical underpinning for accounts of globalization and its impact on the modern presidency. The analysis grapples with three particular problems: conceptualizing increasingly pluralized audiences, the matter of ascertaining how non-American institutions (like the United Nations) shape and are shaped by American rhetorical productions, and the difficulties in gauging presidential rhetorical efficacy. Two main arguments are advanced. First, the dissertation argues that presidential rhetoric at the United Nations traffics in a particular brand of cosmopolitanism, which helps presidents to constitute a universal audience nonetheless ideologically sympathetic to American goals. The terrain and implications of this cosmopolitanism rhetoric are mapped and unpacked. Second, it is argued that when crafting rhetoric for the specific audience of the United Nations General Assembly, the President is obligated to work within the confines of the rhetorical institution that is the United Nations. The project seeks to understand the limits and possibilities of presidential rhetoric based on existing international institutional constraints. Taken together, the resulting scene of presidential cosmopolitan address, rather than culminating in efforts primarily concentrated on persuasion, end up mainly interpellating a global audience supportive of a cosmopolitan agenda which in turn is pre-structured to support the interests of the United States.

Presented here is a critical analysis of the administration, measurement, and application of justice on an international scale. To develop a general framework through which to analyze an international theory of justice, I will start by laying out the differences between the cosmopolitan conception of justice and Thomas Nagel’s political conception of justice. I will offer my own hybrid account that designates nation-states, rather than individuals, as the primary actors of justice. An examination of how justice is measured is necessary for conceptualizing relevant compensation systems and intervention schemes. I investigate justice as measured by Ronald Dworkin’s equality of resources and justice as measured by Amartya Sen’s capability approach, both of which differ in their treatment of non-democratic and corrupt nation-states. I advocate the expansion of political freedoms and a compensation scheme based on the use of natural resources to provide a system of international justice that encourages the preservation of native tradition and respects the nature of cultural difference.

Salman Rushdie's Midnight's Children and Ahdaf Soueif s The Map of Love both construct cosmopolitan figures, who through their narratives, attempt to reformulate nationalist constructions of nation. This study compares Rushdie and Soueif's configuration of the cosmopolitan global consciousness and its rootedness in the postcolonial local centers of Bombay and Cairo respectively. The comparison shows that the multiply determined identity of cosmopolitans can both impede, as well as allow for, the active participation in the social and political life of the country in which they inhabit and aim to represent. This thesis considers Rushdie and Soueif's journey back into postcolonial centers where the contested threshold between homogenous constructions of national identity and the heterogeneity of cosmopolitans has to be negotiated before productive critique and reform can begin at home.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2006. / Title from title screen. David Cheshier, committee chair; George Pullman, Carol Winkler, Mary Stuckey, James Darsey, committee members. Electronic text (226 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed June 5, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 218-226).

No description available.

In 2011, Sexual Minorities Uganda (SMUG) was thrust into the Western media spotlight through the murder of LGBTIQ activist, David Kato Kasule, and the now-infamous “Kill the Gays Bill.” During the last six years, SMUG and its members have continued to fight oppressive Ugandan governmental systems and conservative leaders that have been instigated by U.S. evangelical fundamentalists, most notably Scott Lively. And while SMUG and its members have fallen out of the Western media spotlight since 2012, SMUG continues its social justice activism with and for LGBTIQ Ugandans on the ground, while also building transnational coalitions with other LGBTIQ organizations both within and beyond the borders of Uganda. In this dissertation, I examine the ways in which SMUG utilizes its website (sexualminoritiesuganda.com) as a site for transnational and translocal coalition-building for the sake of social justice activism. To understand the ways in which SMUG is engaging in LGBTIQ activism with nuance, I build a conceptual framework for my analysis through five constructs of critical intercultural communication: critical cosmopolitanism, transnational activism, the global-local dialectic, power, and identity. Critical cosmopolitanism, as conceptualized in Communication Studies by Miriam Sobré-Denton and Nilanjana Bardhan (2013), “is a world- and Other-oriented practice of engaging in deliberate, dialogic, critical, non-coercive and ethical communication. Through the play of context-specific dialectics, cosmopolitan communication works with and through cultural differences and historical and emerging power inequalities to achieve ongoing understanding, intercultural growth, mutuality, collaboration and social and global justice goals through critical self-transformation” (p. 50, emphasis in original). Through this definition, I also work with critical cosmopolitanism as conceptualized by Walter Mignolo (2000, 2010, 2012) and Gerard Delanty (2006, 2009). For Mignolo (2000), critical cosmopolitanism “comprises projects located in the exteriority and issuing forth from the colonial difference” (p. 724) as “an argument for globalization from below” (p. 745) that works to dislodge West-centric modes of thinking. Delanty (2006) extends this definition, as critical cosmopolitanism “seeks to discern or make sense of social transformation by identifying new or emergent social realities” (p. 25). In this, critical cosmopolitanism is a project that asks us to consider the ways in which “diversality,” or “diversity as a universal project” (Mignolo, 2000, p. 743), can dislodge Western modernity, colonialism, imperialism, and globalization from above. To understand the ways in which SMUG is engaging in a critical cosmopolitan vision through its website, I examine for clues of transnational activism as a way of performing and engaging in critical cosmopolitanism through Bardhan (2011), Burgmann (2013), and Gledhill (2010). To complicate our understanding of transnational activism, I turn to the global-local dialectic, as conceptualized by Stuart Hall (1997). The global-local dialectic helps me to observe the ways in which SMUG is dislodging all-encompassing narratives that center globalization as a top-down-only mechanism that ceases all local particularities of culture from existing. Kraidy (1999, 2005) also helps me to investigate the ways in which the global and the local are always already present and in a dialectical tension in our postmodern and postcolonial world. To understand more about how these tensions function, I investigate the construct of power through sociologist Jonathan Hearn’s (2012), Theorizing Power. In it, he seeks to shift theorizing of power away from questions regarding what “we mean by power” to questions of “what do we have to bear in mind when studying power?” (p. 4). Through theorizing five oppositions associated with power—“(1) physical versus social power, (2) power ‘to’ versus power ‘over’, (3) asymmetrical versus balanced power, (4) power as structures versus agents, and (5) actual versus potential power” (p. 4)—Hearn helps me to complicate the ways in which power is observed and discussed in relation to SMUG, LGBTIQ Ugandans, Ugandan leadership, U.S. evangelism, and Western political involvement. Finally, I offer a conceptual framework for identity in critical intercultural communication research, including questions on how we theorize difference differently through John T. Warren’s (2008), “Performing Difference,” as well as offering a framework to understand cosmopolitan identity as constructed by Sobré-Denton and Bardhan (2013) and a framing for African queer sexualities through the works of Ugandan feminist scholars, Sylvia Tamale (2003) and Stella Nyanzi (2013). To address my research questions, I engaged in an ideological criticism (Foss, 2003, Hart & Daughton, 2005, Wander, 1983) of SMUG’s website to more fully understand the ideologies driving SMUG’s rhetorical choices. I chose to use ideological criticism as a methodological framework as it allowed me, the critic, to construct a critical framework with which to analyze a text. Ideological criticism also offered me the opportunity to bring critical rhetorical methods into conversation with critical intercultural communication constructs. Through this conceptual and methodological framework, I analyzed 110 screen shots of their website and all 54 articles included as content on their page over the course of 13 months. Through this process, I argue that SMUG is showing signs of a critical cosmopolitan vision in their website through their participation in peripheral partnerships and activism that speaks back to oppressive systems in ways that highlight globalization-from-below, as conceptualized by Walter Mignolo (2000, 2010, 2012). I also trouble the ways in which SMUG represents LGBTIQ Ugandans on the ground as I call for more intersectional representation that speaks more broadly to LGBTIQ Ugandan experiences in the everyday than SMUG is currently offering visitors. This dissertation research also highlights the difficulties of reading critical cosmopolitanism in one online mediated space, and that centering people and the relationships among people is critical when engaging in critical cosmopolitan research. I end this project with a call to critical intercultural communication scholars to offer more nuance around the representations of LGBTIQ people around the world that takes us beyond sensationalized subjects while also not erasing the devastating impacts of LGBTIQ hatred locally and globally.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Essa tese de doutorado toma como ponto de partida a idéia kantiana de cidadania cosmopolita, a fim de discutir as principais hipóteses presentes nas propostas de aperfeiçoamento qualitativo da democracia que se inspiram nessa tradição. Os teóricos cosmopolitas das relações internacionais contemplam a possibilidade de uma dupla evolução da democracia, na qual esta caminharia, ao mesmo tempo, em direção a um aprofundamento no interior dos Estados e a uma expansão na esfera internacional. Tal caracterização permite introduzir, a nosso ver, uma perspectiva teórica adequada para lidar com a questão da crescente interdependência entre os Estados. Mas é preciso investigar se esse paradigma pode ser de fato generalizado, levando em conta o ponto de vista de todos os cidadãos do mundo, e as inúmeras assimetrias ambientais, sociais e políticas entre os países. A tensão entre a cidadania exercida no interior do Estado-nação e os direitos humanos universais, que fazem parte da estrutura básica de uma república ideal, não foi eliminada. Em tais circunstâncias, o déficit democrático que caracteriza a governança global pode ser explorado como um fértil campo de investigação na busca por critérios para a formulação de princípios de justiça. Por essa razão, o presente estudo se interessa em abordar determinados problemas que se relacionam à extensão de direitos e deveres que extrapolam o significado moral das fronteiras dos Estados soberanos. Tendo em vista a incompatibilidade teórica e prática do paradigma econômico dominante com quaisquer imperativos voltados ao aprofundamento da justiça social e da solidariedade entre gerações, procura-se analisar alguns modelos alternativos, que poderiam ser capazes de reorientar as políticas públicas rumo à promoção do desenvolvimento humano sustentado e eqüitável e que, nesse sentido, estariam aptos a forjar uma ética para a cidadania pós-nacional. Ao tratar dos argumentos que poderiam ensejar a justificação de um princípio global de igualdade de oportunidades o qual determina que é injusto que alguns tenham menos oportunidades em virtude de identidades particularistas , investigamos igualmente o diálogo entre o cosmopolitismo contemporâneo e a concepção rawlsiana de justiça global. / This doctoral thesis takes as its starting point the kantian idea of cosmopolitan citizenship, and discusses the main hypothesis found in the proposals for the qualitative improvement of democracy inspired in this tradition. Cosmopolitan theorists of international relations contemplate the possibility of a double democratic evolution, improving democracy within the states themselves while at the same time expanding in the international sphere. Such characterization, in our view, permits the introduction of a theoretical perspective suitable in dealing with the issue of increasing interdependence between states. This paradigm, however, must be examined to discover if it can indeed be generalized, taking into account the point of view of the worlds citizens and innumerous environmental, social and political asymmetries between countries. The tension between citizenship practiced in the nation-state and universal human rights which make up the basic structure of an ideal republic, have not been eliminated. In such circumstances, the democratic deficit which characterizes global governance can be explored as vast fields of investigation, in the search for criteria necessary for the formulation of principles of justice. For this reason, the interest of this study is to analyze the specific problems related to the extension of rights and obligations which extrapolate the moral significance of the borders of sovereign states. Taking into account the incompatibility of the theory and practical application of the dominate economic paradigm, in relation to any or all imperatives involving the deepening of social justice and the solidarity between generations, a number of alternative models are analyzed which could enable the reorientation of public politics for the promotion of equitable and sustained human development, which could thereby be applied in the creation of post-national citizenship morality. In dealing with the arguments which could provide justification of a global principle of equal opportunity which determines that it is unjust that some have less opportunity due to particularistic identities , we also investigate the dialogue between contemporary cosmopolitanism and the rawlsian conception of global justice.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Essa tese de doutorado toma como ponto de partida a idéia kantiana de cidadania cosmopolita, a fim de discutir as principais hipóteses presentes nas propostas de aperfeiçoamento qualitativo da democracia que se inspiram nessa tradição. Os teóricos cosmopolitas das relações internacionais contemplam a possibilidade de uma dupla evolução da democracia, na qual esta caminharia, ao mesmo tempo, em direção a um aprofundamento no interior dos Estados e a uma expansão na esfera internacional. Tal caracterização permite introduzir, a nosso ver, uma perspectiva teórica adequada para lidar com a questão da crescente interdependência entre os Estados. Mas é preciso investigar se esse paradigma pode ser de fato generalizado, levando em conta o ponto de vista de todos os cidadãos do mundo, e as inúmeras assimetrias ambientais, sociais e políticas entre os países. A tensão entre a cidadania exercida no interior do Estado-nação e os direitos humanos universais, que fazem parte da estrutura básica de uma república ideal, não foi eliminada. Em tais circunstâncias, o déficit democrático que caracteriza a governança global pode ser explorado como um fértil campo de investigação na busca por critérios para a formulação de princípios de justiça. Por essa razão, o presente estudo se interessa em abordar determinados problemas que se relacionam à extensão de direitos e deveres que extrapolam o significado moral das fronteiras dos Estados soberanos. Tendo em vista a incompatibilidade teórica e prática do paradigma econômico dominante com quaisquer imperativos voltados ao aprofundamento da justiça social e da solidariedade entre gerações, procura-se analisar alguns modelos alternativos, que poderiam ser capazes de reorientar as políticas públicas rumo à promoção do desenvolvimento humano sustentado e eqüitável e que, nesse sentido, estariam aptos a forjar uma ética para a cidadania pós-nacional. Ao tratar dos argumentos que poderiam ensejar a justificação de um princípio global de igualdade de oportunidades o qual determina que é injusto que alguns tenham menos oportunidades em virtude de identidades particularistas , investigamos igualmente o diálogo entre o cosmopolitismo contemporâneo e a concepção rawlsiana de justiça global. / This doctoral thesis takes as its starting point the kantian idea of cosmopolitan citizenship, and discusses the main hypothesis found in the proposals for the qualitative improvement of democracy inspired in this tradition. Cosmopolitan theorists of international relations contemplate the possibility of a double democratic evolution, improving democracy within the states themselves while at the same time expanding in the international sphere. Such characterization, in our view, permits the introduction of a theoretical perspective suitable in dealing with the issue of increasing interdependence between states. This paradigm, however, must be examined to discover if it can indeed be generalized, taking into account the point of view of the worlds citizens and innumerous environmental, social and political asymmetries between countries. The tension between citizenship practiced in the nation-state and universal human rights which make up the basic structure of an ideal republic, have not been eliminated. In such circumstances, the democratic deficit which characterizes global governance can be explored as vast fields of investigation, in the search for criteria necessary for the formulation of principles of justice. For this reason, the interest of this study is to analyze the specific problems related to the extension of rights and obligations which extrapolate the moral significance of the borders of sovereign states. Taking into account the incompatibility of the theory and practical application of the dominate economic paradigm, in relation to any or all imperatives involving the deepening of social justice and the solidarity between generations, a number of alternative models are analyzed which could enable the reorientation of public politics for the promotion of equitable and sustained human development, which could thereby be applied in the creation of post-national citizenship morality. In dealing with the arguments which could provide justification of a global principle of equal opportunity which determines that it is unjust that some have less opportunity due to particularistic identities , we also investigate the dialogue between contemporary cosmopolitanism and the rawlsian conception of global justice.

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No. of bitstreams: 6 Tese - Marcelo Rodrigues Souza Ribeiro - 2016 - parte 1.pdf: 17763625 bytes, checksum: 452d0673b2f69c9355ffa27826677de7 (MD5) Tese - Marcelo Rodrigues Souza Ribeiro - 2016 - parte 2.pdf: 18452916 bytes, checksum: 25df9d4e0752a9245b2b8431b686819d (MD5) Tese - Marcelo Rodrigues Souza Ribeiro - 2016 - parte 3.pdf: 17100355 bytes, checksum: 4cce80dcf9db6ab7a144d627489984d5 (MD5) Tese - Marcelo Rodrigues Souza Ribeiro - 2016 - parte 4.pdf: 18172859 bytes, checksum: af0ff4f4ac5c0a31d004c313b54b1318 (MD5) Tese - Marcelo Rodrigues Souza Ribeiro - 2016 - parte 5.pdf: 6057501 bytes, checksum: 771b028e9f81cb0c6e67c7d1f49bfb35 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-17 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This thesis interrogates the relation between film and human rights, based upon a fundamentally theoretical and conceptual approach whose ultimate goal is the openning of a broader research program: the elaboration of what I call a cosmopoetic atlas. Historically, the main modes of relation between film and human rights consist in the uses of images as documents to denounce violations and as part of the work of memory which surrounds those violations. In this kind of context, film takes part in the construction of an archive of evil, against which the “conscience of mankind” declares the principles of universal dignity of the cosmopolitical project of human rights. At the same time, film takes part in the construction of an archive of the common, in which the principles of human rights take up sensible forms. While interrogating the problem of the becoming-sensible of the “conscience of mankind”, one must acknowledge that one of the recurring motifs of the relation between film and human rights consists in the theme of the unimaginable and the problem of the missing images. Introduced through the reading of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the historical and paradigmatic example of the images picturing the Nazi camps and concentrationary experience rises up to a prominent place among the several studied objects, in an analysis of the archiving process of the camps’ images as sensible evidences of the unimaginable and of the forms of montage of the camps’ images as attempts at thinking their meanings and constructing the archive of their memory. While the fiction of Samuel Fuller and Orson Welles, for instance, tends to revisit the archive and to reorganize its elements following plots and interests which do not belong to the original contexts of the images, the documentary of Claude Lanzmann, for instance, finds its impulse in the refusal or, more precisely, in the denegation of the archive. Between the fictional rearchiving and the denegation, some experimental possibilities of remontage of the archive emerge, based upon the anarchivic openness which destructures and reorganizes its images, in films by Alain Resnais, Mikhail Romm and Jean-Luc Godard. Just as the cosmopolitical project of human rights depends on the becoming-sensible of the “conscience of mankind” for its universal dissemination, juridical concepts such as “genocide” or “crime against humanity” find one of their privileged forms of sensible inscription in film images. / Esta tese interroga a relação entre cinema e direitos humanos, com base em uma abordagem fundamentalmente teórica e conceitual que tem como objetivo último a abertura de um programa mais amplo de pesquisa: a elaboração do que denomino atlas cosmopoético. Historicamente, os principais modos de relação entre cinema e direitos humanos consistem nos usos de imagens como documentos para denunciar violações e como parte do trabalho de memória em torno dessas violações. Nesse tipo de contexto, o cinema participa da construção de um arquivo do mal, contra o qual a “consciência da humanidade” declara os princípios de dignidade universal do projeto cosmopolítico dos direitos humanos. Ao mesmo tempo, o cinema participa da construção de um arquivo do comum, no qual os princípios dos direitos humanos assumem forma sensível. Ao interrogar o problema do devir- sensível da “consciência da humanidade”, é preciso reconhecer que um dos motivos recorrentes da relação entre cinema e direitos humanos consiste no tema do inimaginável e no problema das imagens que faltam. Introduzido a partir da leitura da Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos de 1948, o exemplo histórico paradigmático das imagens dos campos nazistas e da experiência concentracionária assume um lugar central entre os diversos objetos estudados, numa análise do processo de arquivamento das imagens dos campos como evidências sensíveis do inimaginável e das formas de montagem das imagens dos campos como tentativas de pensar seus sentidos e de construir o arquivo de sua memória. Enquanto a ficção tende, com Samuel Fuller e Orson Welles, por exemplo, a revisitar o arquivo e a reorganizar seus elementos em função de narrativas e de interesses alheios aos contextos originários das imagens, o documentário encontra na denegação do arquivo o seu impulso, como evidencia a obra de Claude Lanzmann. Entre o rearquivamento ficcional e a denegação, emergem possibilidades experimentais de remontagem do arquivo, com base na abertura anarquívica que desestrutura e reorganiza suas imagens, em filmes de Alain Resnais, Mikhail Romm e Jean-Luc Godard. Assim como o projeto cosmopolítico dos direitos humanos depende do devir-sensível da “consciência da humanidade” para sua disseminação universal, conceitos jurídicos como “genocídio” e “crime contra a humanidade” encontram nas imagens cinematográficas uma de suas formas privilegiadas de inscrição sensível.