That police have special moral obligations to protect others is an important moral consideration which is largely absent from discourse about the moral permissibility of police killings of civilians in self-defence. I argue that police officers, at least when acting ex officio, face a special justificatory burden such that the set of conditions under which a police officer may permissibly kill a civilian in self-defence is more tightly constrained than the set of conditions under which a civilian may kill a fellow civilian in self-defence. In other words, police officers' right to kill in self-defence is attenuated by their special moral obligation to protect others. I provide three arguments for this claim. First, police have a special obligation to protect others, even at risk to themselves. Thus, there are some situations in which, compared to a civilian, an officer must tolerate an elevated level of risk of harm to herself before she is justified in resorting to defensive harm. Second, police have a derivative obligation to minimise imposing harm on those whom they have undertaken to protect. It is a greater wrong to harm those to whom one has special moral duties. Thus, compared to the civilian, the police officer must give greater moral weight to the possibility that she is facing an innocent or non-responsible threat. The third argument rests on the view that the right to self-defence derives from the right protect oneself. I show that the special moral obligations of police officers attenuate this right and, derivatively, attenuate their right to self-defence as well. / Master of Arts / Discussions about the morality of police killings of civilians in self-defence lack an important consideration; they fail to take into account the fact that police have special moral obligations to protect others. I argue that this special obligation interferes with police officer’s self-defence rights. Because of this, the set of conditions under which it is morally permissible for a police officer kill a civilian in self-defence is more tightly constrained than the set of conditions under which it is morally permissible for a civilian may kill a fellow civilian in self-defence. I provide three arguments for this claim. First, police have a special obligation to protect others, even at risk to themselves. Because of this, there are some situations in which, compared to a civilian, an officer must tolerate an elevated level of risk of harm to herself before she is justified in resorting to defensive harm. Second, police have an obligation to minimise imposing harm on those whom they have undertaken to protect. This obligation is derived from police officers’ obligation to protect others, because it is a greater wrong to harm those to whom one has special moral duties. Thus, compared to the civilian, the police officer must give greater moral weight to the possibility that she is facing an innocent or non-responsible threatener (that is, an individual who threatens harm but who is either innocent, or is not responsible for the threat that they pose). The third argument rests on the view that the right to self-defence derives from the right protect oneself. I show that the special moral obligations of police officers attenuate this right and, derivatively, attenuate their right to self-defence as well.

Each year the Department of Defense spends over $10 billion on its science and technology development efforts. While deemed an investment by proponents (and beneficiaries) technology development programs are particularly vulnerable in times of budget cuts. As the government moves forward with efforts to reduce spending the Department of Defense will be pressed to sustain current levels of spending on technology efforts. This situation is similar to the post-Cold War phase in defense planning when savings in spending were sought as a peace dividend. This dissertation examines the Department of Defense efforts during 1989-1992 to define certain technologies as critical to national security. Inherent in the effort to identify critical technologies was the desire to articulate technology ideology; to establish asymmetries of power and resources; and to patrol the boundaries of policy and responsibility. The questions are: What are the ideologies associated with technology development planning? What are the discursive mechanisms used to secure and reinforce power? And, what evidence of boundary work and network construction emerges from the examination? First, I distill from four years of defense technology planning documentation the explicit ideologies, the ideologies masked in metaphor, and the discourse strategies used to secure and sustain power. Following the deconstruction of the discursive elements I use Science and Technology Studies tools including boundary work, boundary objects, the Social Construction of Technology, and network theory, to further understand the heterogeneous process of defense technology development planning. The tools help explain the mechanisms by which elements of Department of Defense technology development form a connected structure. Finally, the examination yields a spherical network model for innovation that addresses the weaknesses of prior innovation network models. I conclude that in the face of uncertain budgets, technology planning relies upon ideology, power strategies, and boundary-work to build a network that protects funding and influence. In the current budget climate it will be interesting to see if the strategies are resurrected. The examination should be of interest to both the Science and Technology Studies scholar and the policy practitioner. And hopefully, the review will stimulate further examination and debate. / Ph. D.

The security of powerful systems and large networks is often addressed through complex defenses. While these types of defenses offer increased security, they are resource intensive and therefore impractical to implement on many new classes of networked systems, such as mobile phones and small, embedded network infrastructure devices. To provide security for these systems, new defenses must be created that provide highly efficient security. The Moving Target IPv6 Defense (MT6D) is a network layer moving target defense that dynamically changes Internet Protocol version 6 (IPv6) addresses mid-session while still maintaining continuous communication. MT6D was originally written in Python language, but this implementation suffers from severe performance limitations. By translating MT6D from Python to C and taking advantage of operating system specific application programming interfaces (APIs) and optimizations, MT6D can become a viable defense for resource constrained systems. The Python version of MT6D is analyzed initially to determine what functions might be performance bottlenecks that could be performed more efficiently using C. Based on this analysis, specific parts of the Python version are identified for improvement in the C version by either using functionality of the Linux kernel and network stack or by reworking the code in a more efficient way. After this analysis, the information gathered about the Python version is used to write the C version, using methods specific to a moving target defense to capture, analyze, modify, and tunnel packets. Finally, tests are designed and run to compare the performance of the Python and C versions. / Master of Science

Salmonella and Campylobacter are the leading causes of bacterial foodborne illness in the United States. Commonly found in the gastrointestinal tract of poultry, Salmonella and Campylobacter may show little to no signs of infection in birds. The objective of this dissertation was to evaluate the influence on mRNA abundance of nutrient transporters and host defense peptides (HDPs) during a Salmonella or a Campylobacter challenge in young commercial broilers. Comparisons were made between non-challenged and challenged (106, 107, or 108 colony forming units of Salmonella or Campylobacter) broilers on expression of nutrient transporters and host defense peptides in the duodenum, jejunum, ileum and cecum at various days after inoculation. During a Salmonella challenge, changes in mRNA abundance of nutrient transporters and avian beta-defensins (AvBD) vary by day, tissue and challenge dose. ZnT1 may play an important role during a Salmonella challenge as mRNA abundance of ZnT1 significantly increased (P<0.05) by day 7 in the 108 group compared to the control. Early changes in LEAP2 mRNA abundance were observed in the 106 group than the 107 and 108 groups. However, at a later time point post challenge, a lower abundance of almost all AvBD mRNA (P<0.05) was observed in the lower gastrointestinal tract especially in the 107 and 108 groups compared to the control group, indicating that the pathogen may be influencing intestinal expression of AvBD mRNA. In Campylobacter, analyses revealed that expression of zinc transporter 1 (ZnT1) increased (P<0.05) in the duodenum, ileum and ceca in the 106 group on day 7. An increase (P<0.05) in the expression of avian beta-defensins were observed on day 14 in the ileum and ceca in the 106 group compared to the control group. Pathogens like Salmonella and Campylobacter may have an influence on the mRNA abundance of nutrient transporters and HDPs. Manipulation of these genes may ensure the survivability of these pathogens. Through sequestration of nutrients, the pathogen would have the ability to colonize the host and replicate. However, it must evade the host immune system as well. The processing of infected poultry with these pathogens may lead to foodborne illness in humans. Further research is needed to investigate possible methods to counter the influence these pathogens have on host immunity genes. / Ph. D.

The parasitic angiosperm Orobanche aegyptiaca (Pers.) (Egyptian broomrape) is a root holoparasite that causes severe losses in yield and quality of many crops. Control of Orobanche is extremely challenging, in part because the parasite is hidden underground for most of its life cycle. However, the dependence of the parasite on the host suggests that broomrape-resistant hosts could be an ideal control method. Genetic engineering strategies may facilitate realization of this goal, but require an understanding of host defense responses to parasitism. Previous studies with tobacco indicated that broomrape parasitism induces host genes associated with jasmonic acid (JA)-mediated defenses such as wound responses and localized production of phenylpropanoid and isoprenoid phytoalexins. However, the gene for the pathogenesis-related (PR) protein, PR-1a, was not induced by parasitism in tobacco. Expression of PR-1a is correlated with the salicylic acid (SA)-mediated defense pathway that leads to systemic acquired resistance (SAR). The objective of this research was to extend the characterization of PR gene expression in order to define the scope of host defense response. Analyses of gene expression using RNA hybridization and RT-PCR in broomrape-parasitized Arabidopsis thaliana roots indicated that PR-1, PR-2, PR-5, as well as the JA-associated PDF1.2, were slightly induced by parasitism. Expression of PR-1, PR-5, and PDF1.2 in parasitized roots was not detectable by RNA hybridization analysis, but was demonstrated by RT-PCR. Interestingly, shoots of the parasitized plants showed greater PR gene expression levels than roots, indicating that O. aegyptiaca induced a response in the host that was systemic and amplified in shoots. Microarray analysis of parasitized Arabidopsis roots demonstrated a broad range of host gene expression changes including both defense- and non-defense-related genes. Genes induced were consistent with O. aegyptiaca preferentially stimulating JA-mediated responses. The failure of O. aegyptiaca to elicit SA-mediated defenses in host roots suggested that exogenous induction of this signaling pathway could enhance host resistance to parasitism. Treatment of O. aegyptiaca-inoculated tobacco with BTH, a SA analog that activates SAR, caused a 49% reduction in O. aegyptiaca numbers. Analysis of PR-1a using RNA hybridizations and protein immunoblots in treated plants showed the expected induction in shoots, but not in roots, confirming the organ-specific differences in defense response observed in Arabidopsis. Experiments using a strategy to engineer the hypersensitive response via the gene-for-gene interaction confirmed previous findings that parasite-specific activation of an R/Avr interaction in tobacco reduced parasitism by approximately 50%. This research suggests that approaches to stimulate SAR in susceptible host plants may be useful for reducing Orobanche parasitism / Master of Science

This study tested the hypotheses that perceived risk of victimization had a stronger effect than actual exposure to victimization risk on handgun ownership and that this relationship was stronger for women than men. Perceived and actual risks of victimization have been discussed with respect to handgun ownership, but a general consensus in the literature was lacking and recent empirical research was scarce. Crime rates and respondents' social characteristics were used as proxy measures for victimization risk, while fear of crime measured perceived risk of victimization. Three sets of models were estimated, the first with a pooled sample of men and women, the second and third on samples separated by gender. Binary logistic regression was utilized to compare the predictive power of these two major correlates of handgun ownership and observe how their effects varied by gender. Data were drawn from the National Opinion for Research Center's (NORC) Cumulative General Social Surveys (GSS) for the years 1986 through 2008. Predictors of victimization risk, especially gender and regional crime rate, had strong effects on handgun possession, while perceived risk had no effect on handgun possession. Results also demonstrated that while women were more likely to fear crime, they were not necessarily more or less likely than men to obtain handguns in response to that fear. / Master of Science

India and Pakistan are two of the world's poorest countries, yet each devotes a substantial portion of its resources to defend itself against the other. What drives these expenditures? Are they internally or externally driven? If externally, how do the countries interact with each other? To try to answer these questions, we apply five models widely used in defense spending studies. If the model performs well, we will assume that the underlying driver of defense expenditure or change in defense expenditure is present. If the model does not perform well, we will assume the driver is absent. Our goal is not to find the single "best" model, but to see if a consistent pattern of behavior emerges for each country through the combination of the models. We conclude that existing models do shed light on the defense spending behaviors of the two countries, although they are by no means the final word and have only limited value for forecasting. The patterns that emerge from empirical testing of the models indicate that: India is far more sensitive to Pakistan's spending than Pakistan is to India's. India is concerned with maintaining a certain level of superiority over its rival, but shows little inclination to spend Pakistan into the ground. Pakistan has run up against its resource constraint and Pakistani leaders have opted to spend what they feel they prudently can on defense rather than try to engage India in an arms race that they would assuredly lose. On the other hand, Pakistan' defense spending bureaucracy is stronger than India's, so that Pakistan finds it more difficult to cut defense spending than does India. / Master of Arts

This dissertation explores how partisan polarization among the political elites (the President and key Members of Congress) impacts national security decision-making. The research examines the relationship over time beginning at the start of the Cold War through 2014. In doing so, the research tests several hypotheses to determine the nature of the relationship and what the implications might be for future U.S. national security policy-making. There are three different approaches used in the research centered on the same theory of partisan polarization. The first approach examines changes in the level of polarization and defense budgets each year. The second explores the impact of partisan polarization on the outcome of key roll-call votes on national security legislation. Lastly, the third approach studies the changes in polarization relative to the Presidents' decision to use force. Poole and Rosenthal (1984) argue that political polarization has increased among the political elite since the 1960s and the Republicans and Democrats continue to move further apart ideologically (Gray et al. 2015). I argue that the combined effect of polarization and a growing ideological divide between the two major political parties puts our collective national security at risk. Using analytical regression time series models and a qualitative analysis, the findings suggests that rising partisan polarization presents a clear and present threat to our national security.

Each year Department of Defense schools worldwide outscore most every state in the U.S. on the National Assessment of Education Progress test (Kingston, 2002). This literature review is a culmination of multiple research studies done on various facets of the Department of Defense Education Activity (DoDEA). It explores the contributing factors of success in DoDEA schools from a perspective of a potential new teacher applicant. This thesis begins with the history of DoDEA since its creation in World War II, and then leads into its chain of command, from the Secretary of Defense down to regional superintendents, school principals, and teachers. The adequate funding and financial resources of Do DEA are explained, along with the Community Strategic Plan, which is a set of guidelines that drives all school program decisions. School curriculum and instruction, professional development, and parent influence and the military's corporate commitment to excellent are also discussed. Perhaps, more than any other factor, the community influence and support for academic excellence contribute to its sustained success.

The objectives of this study are: first, to draw conclusions in regard to the extent the National Youth Administration, the National Defense Training Program, and the Industrial Arts departments of the Texas State Teachers Colleges are making "trainees" of the first two programs and graduates and students of the last division more employable in the several industries that make up our national defense manufacturing mechanism; second, to show by the presentation of the college programs whether or not the colleges are presenting the courses of industrial arts which are most needed by youth in this time of crisis and national defense preparation.