Thesis (doctoral)--Bonn, 1908. / Contains chapter 3 only of the thesis. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Duquesne University, 2009. / Title from document title page. Abstract included in electronic submission form. Includes bibliographical references (p. 297-314) and index.

Thesis--University of Paris. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005. / Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 254 p.; also includes facsimiles, graphics (some col.). Includes bibliographical references (p. 196-205). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center

This study seeks to define “mysticism” historically by looking back to the concept mystical theology (μυστική θεολογία / mystica theologia) and the association of books under this category. The first Latin canon of mystical theology developed from the ninth to the middle of the thirteenth century around translation and commentary on the writings of Dionysius by John Eriugena, Thomas Gallus, Robert Grosseteste, and Albert the Great. The second Latin canon of mystical theology developed from the thirteenth to the end of the fifteenth century and centered upon the more practical task of teaching an advanced form of unitive and apophatic prayer (largely by Bonaventure, Hugh of Balma, and Jean Gerson). Nonetheless, the writings of Dionysius and the method of apophaticism—whether understood as negative predication (apophatic theology) or imageless (apophatic) prayer—remained fundamental. The criterion of immediacy also played a central role in the development of the concept, especially after the thirteenth century. Martin Luther inherited this concept of mystical theology. Reading Dionysius through the comments of Gerson and Johann Eck, Luther understood mystical theology as an advanced form of imageless prayer that sought an unmediated, experiential knowledge of God in majesty (“the naked God”) through union. Luther’s mature writings rejected any attempt to know God in this direct way. However, drawing on Augustine and Johann Tauler, Luther redirected the elements of experiential knowledge and the method of negation that he learned in mystical literature. Rather than addressing the disproportion between the finite and the infinite, Luther’s version of negative theology addressed the disproportion between the word of the Law and the word of the Gospel. In turn, Luther redirected Dionysius’s original emphasis on the mediated nature of all theology towards the pastoral task of assurance. For Dionysius direct knowledge of God was metaphysically impossible. For Luther direct knowledge of God was not impossible, but disastrous. Only in the negation of the Law and “darkness of faith” in the spoken, external words of the Gospel could assurance be found.

Thesis--Yale University.

Den här uppsatsen undersöker de olika sätt på vilka romarna beskrivs behandla sina fiender under den tidiga Romerska republiken (509–290 f.Kr). Med avstamp i Edward Saids post-koloniala teori om framställningen av den Andre, och Erich Gruens arbete om representation under antiken, analyseras beskrivningar av de öden Roms många fiender led som står att återfinnas i Livius, Diodorus Siculus, och Dionysios från Halikarnassos historiska verk om den unga Romerska republiken. I enlighet med uppsatsens hermeneutiska metod är analysen uppdelad i två delar, vilka behandlar uppror och krig mot utländska stater, respektive. De exempel som går att återfinna i källmaterialet förstås också som delar i en helhet, och de undersöks dels i sin egna kontext och jämförs med andra exempel i det stora sammanhanget. De romerska segrarna analyseras för att se hur källorna beskriver de erövrades öden, både materiellt och rent kroppsligt, och uppsatsen undersöker hur dessa framställs, och om källmaterialet representerar olika etniska gruppers behandling på olika sätt.Undersökningen visar att källorna, varken för sig själva eller sedda som en helhet, inte framställer det som att romarna hade tydliga och konsekventa riktlinjer för hur besegrade folk behandlades, men att vissa mönster ändå kan urskönjas, särskilt när det kommer till hur folkgrupper som gjorde uppror mot om behandlades. Olika folkslags etniska härkomst framställs inte som avgörande för hur de behandlades av Rom, trots källornas stundtals nedsättande kommenterar om sådana folkslag. Undersökningen visar att latinare, efter större uppror, kunde visas viss barmhärtighet, men källorna beskriver även hur latinska städer vid tillfällen utplånades tillsammans med deras befolkning av romarna, och även hur andra folkslag kunde skonas, och det blir tydligt att källmaterialets representation inte framställer någon etnicitet, vare sig besläktad med romarna själva eller helt avlägsen, som en garant mot romersk brutalitet.

[pt] Esta tese tem como objeto de estudo as múltiplas formas que o símbolo Dioniso assume ao longo do pensamento nietzschiano. Podemos dizer que Dioniso acompanha Nietzsche durante toda sua produção intelectual, prefigurando a imagem mais importante de sua obra, se relacionando direta ou indiretamente com todos os grandes temas de sua filosofia. No entanto, o significado de Dioniso não é o mesmo durante toda a filosofia nietzschiana; pelo contrário, sua significação sofre uma radical transformação. Primeiramente, Nietzsche encontra em Dioniso, e em seu oposto Apolo, a chave para compreender a visão de mundo dos gregos antigos, e com isso, o meio para decifrar a própria existência. Em seus primeiros escritos, que compreendem a fase conhecida como metafísica do artista, o dionisíaco é essencial para elaboração de uma teoria estética que reconhecia no elemento musical das tragédias gregas o momento de superioridade da cultura ocidental. Todavia, o filósofo rompe com seus próprios preceitos, suspende temporariamente as menções a Dioniso e inicia a elaboração de uma filosofia trágica, isto é, combatente a toda forma de negação da vida. O segundo Dioniso renasce na obra nietzschiana despido de qualquer roupagem metafísica; o dionisíaco passa a ser ligado à imanência, aos instintos e, fundamentalmente, à afirmação da existência e ao louvor do instante. Sabendo disso, nosso trabalho divide-se em quatro partes que, juntas, formam um todo, uma verdadeira tragédia nietzschiana: primeira parte, quem era o deus antigo Dioniso; segunda, quais são os desdobramentos filosóficos de O Nascimento da tragédia; terceira, o que vem à cena, enquanto Dioniso se cala; e por fim, quais as nuances do Dioniso renascido e qual sua importância, segundo Nietzsche, para a cultura e para a vida. / [en] The objective of this thesis is to study the forms that Dionysius assumes during Nietzsche s thoughts. He follows Nietzsche throughout his intellectual production, connecting directly or indirectly to all the major themes of his philosophy. However, the meaning of Dionysus is not the same throughout his work; on the contrary, its significance undergoes a radical transformation. First, Nietzsche finds in Dionysius a key to understand the old greeks world s view and deciphering one s own existence. In his early writings, which comprised a stage known as the artist s metaphysics, the Dionysian is essential to an aesthetic theory that recognized in the musical element of greek tragedies, the high point of Western culture. However, the philosopher breaks with his own precepts, get distance from schopenhaurian pessimism and that of Wagnerian aesthetics. Suspends, temporarily, the mentions to the god and begins the elaboration of a tragic philosophy, that is, fighting all ways of denial of life. The second Dionysus is reborn in the Nietzschean work unclad of garb. He is now related to immanence, to instincts, to the affirmation of existence and to the praise of the instant. Considering that, this thesis is divided into four parts, together, forming a whole, a true Nietzschean tragoedia: first, who was the ancient god Dionysus; second, what are the philosophical unfoldings of The Birth of tragedy; third, what comes to the scene when Dionysus is silent; and, finally, what are the nuances of the reborn Dionysus and what is his importance, according to Nietzsche, for the culture and for life.

Denys d'Halicarnasse affirme dans son oeuvre historique l'origine grecque des institutions romaines. Cette perspectivre, très nettement idéalisante, est le fruit de ses réflexions sur la politique et sur l'histoire. Elle porte également la marque de la période augustéenne, dans laquelle s'inscrit l'auteur. A travers l'étude de la présentation dionysienne des institutions romaines, des hommes qui les font vivre, des valeurs morales qui les sous-tendent, cette recherche pose la question des objectifs politiques et culturels poursuivis par l'historien d'Halicarnasse dans un monde en devenir. Les efforts qu'il déploie pour réduire les différences entre Rome et le monde grec font de lui l'un des premiers penseurs d'un Empire gréco-romain unifié. In his historic work Dionysius of Halicarnassus asserts the Greek origin of the Roman institutions. This strongly idealizing position is derived from his thinking on politics and history and is also influenced by the Augustan era. Through the study of dionysian presentation of Roman institutions, of men who make them live and moral values which underlie them, this research aims to explain the political and cultural purposes of the work. By his efforts to reduce differences between Rome and the Greek world , Dionysius appears as one of the first thinkers of an unified Graeco-Roman Empire.

This dissertation discusses the interaction of mythology and power in the Roman Republic and early Principate. It identifies a mythological paradigm that has not been recognized in previous scholarship ("pairs") and traces the use of this paradigm by Roman writers of the second and first centuries BCE. It argues that pair stories problematize the relationship between Roman elite ambition and the Republic's political ideals of equality and cooperation among magistrates. It further argues that these stories evolve over the course of the two centuries under discussion, from tales that are relatively optimistic about the potential of reconciling the tension between individual ambition and elite collegiality to tales that are extremely pessimistic. This evolution is tied to the political turmoil visible at Rome in this period. Several stories are identified as pair stories. The first and most well-attested is the foundation myth of the city, which is discussed at length in chapters two through six. In chapters seven and eight, the pattern is established through the analysis of Amulius and Numitor, Brutus and Collatinus, and the men known as affectatores regni. The historical development of these tales is discussed as thoroughly as possible. The argument throughout is that narratives from second-century writers depict pairs as representatives of productive rivalry. This rivalry encourages the elite to achieve beneficial results for the city, and can be set aside for the public good. Such depictions become less prevalent by the later first century, when the pair narratives instead tend to illustrate destructive competition. This destruction must be understood in the context of its times; the third quarter of the first century BCE saw the establishment of Rome's first monarchy in centuries. It is under the Principate that the tales again become clearly different: competition disappears. Soon afterwards, so does the use of these stories as a tool to think with.