Exploro a biografia cultural de um vestido criado pelo estilista Rui Spohr e comprado por Heloisa Brenner, senhora da aristocracia rural do Rio Grande do Sul. O objeto foi apresentado num desfile de moda realizado em Porto Alegre, em 1971, e acompanhou a proprietária por quatro décadas, sendo escolhido por ela para vesti-la no seu aniversário de 80 anos, em 2011. No ano seguinte, sintetizou quase 60 anos de carreira profissional de Rui numa exposição sobre moda num museu de arte, em São Paulo, tornando-se “obra de arte” aos olhos do criador. A proprietária, por sua vez, exalta seu status longevo para atribuir importância à peça. Trançando as trajetórias dos personagens, percorro tensões e transformações simbólicas. Ao falar sobre o vestido aqui entendido como objeto biográfico, Heloisa e Rui falam sobre si. E a roupa fala sobre o criador e a proprietária. Nesse processo, demonstro como a roupa exerce agência sobre os sujeitos com quem interage, sendo ela própria resultante de intencionalidades. / I explore the cultural biography of a dress created by designer Rui Spohr and purchased by Heloisa Brenner, member of the rural aristocracy of Rio Grande do Sul. The object was presented during a fashion show held in Porto Alegre, in 1971, and lived along with its owner for four decades, being chosen to dress her up at her 80th Birthday party, in 2011. One year later, it synthesized almost 60 years of Rui’s professional career in a fashion exhibition at an art museum, in São Paulo, becoming a work of art in the face of the creator. The owner, in turn, exalts her long-lived status atributing importance to the item. Brading the characters’ trajectories, I cover tensions and symbolic transformations. In speaking about the dress understood here as a biographical object, Heloisa and Rui speak about themselves. And the garment speaks about its creator and owner. In this process, I demonstrate how the object exercises agency upon subjects with whom it interacts, being itself a result of intentionality.

LL.M. (International Law) / Please refer to full text to view abstract.

From different traditions, research in the field of sociology of cultural taste and consumption has argued that contemporary societies are symbolically stratified through cultural engagement. These theoretical frameworks differ mainly in their explanations of the mechanisms that shape the relationship between culture and social stratification. Motivated by concepts from Pierre Bourdieu, Richard A. Peterson, and other key scholars, this thesis is focused on addressing the relationship between music consumption and social stratification. Due to its peculiar characteristics, music provides a good illustration of how people, through cultural engagement, draw boundaries that symbolically differentiate social groups. Although literature in the area has made great progress, there are still theoretical and empirical gaps. It is possible to find some passionate views which deny the relevance of some operationalisations and methods over others (Wuggenig, 2007; Chan, 2010a). From a comparative point of view it is questioned whether different dimensions of cultural practices can deliver consistent results (Peterson, 2005; Purhonen, Gronow and Rahkonen, 2011; Yaish and Katz-Gerro, 2012). Research which focuses on comparisons between societies frequently lacks detailed theoretical conceptualisations regarding how cultural items are distributed in different social settings (Katz-Gerro, 2011; Purhonen and Wright, 2013). Other important gap in the literature is the lack of understanding about how technologies act as an element of social distinction (López-Sintas, Cebollada, Filimon and Gharhaman, 2014). The main objective of this research is therefore to review how research has defined and studied the relationship between culture and society across several perspectives and to offer new insights which significantly contribute to the advancement of knowledge of the sociology of cultural taste and consumption. This is motivation for the development of four research articles which use several quantitative methods to analyse survey data from Austria, England, Chile, Finland, Israel and Serbia. This thesis shows that musical engagement, regardless of how and where it is measured, remains socially stratified. Age is the primary stratifying factor for musical engagement, highlighting the distinction between popular music preferred by the younger age cohorts, and the classical or traditional music of the older. Both are reinforced by educational level and social class. Individuals displaying broader musical preferences are more likely to be in advantageous positions. This concurs with arguments about omnivorism as a manifestation of cultural homology in the classic Bourdieusian sense (Lizardo and Skiles, 2012). Thanks to the innovative analysis of available data and the use of more specific cultural indicators it is possible to elaborate research questions to address the study of musical engagement and its place in society, integrating research methods, theory of practices, local and global contexts, and technologies as salient analytical dimensions.

No description available.

Chimiini is an Eastern Bantu language which until recently was spoken exclusively by inhabitants of Brava, a coastal town of Southern Somalia (hence its alternative name, Bravanese). As illustrated in this paper, it shows traces of contact with northern varieties of Swahili such as Amu, Siu, Pate, and Mvita, to which it is closely related, and also of contact with the Cushitic languages Somali, Tunni, to Bajuni, as well as the Semitic language Arabic, and Italian and English. As further shown below, variation within Chimiini also reflects emblematic features of specific clans and lineages within the speech community. In addition, differences from earlier accounts of this language concerning the interpretation of its phonological and morphosyntactic structure are discussed in this paper.

No description available.

Cette thèse propose une étude du débat entre Descartes et Pierre Bourdin par la reconstruction historique des évènements et par une analyse des concepts qui ressortent de la controverse. Née autour de questions concernant la dioptrique et soulevée par la publication du Discours et des Essais (1637), et en particulier après la soutenance par Charles Potier de trois thèses contre la Dioptrique en 1640, la controverse passe à la fin de 1641 sur le plan métaphysique avec la rédaction par Bourdin d’une Dissertatio qui sera incluse dans la deuxième édition des Méditations (1642) avec l’Épitre au Père Dinet. L’intervention du Père Dinet, précisément, sera décisive pour la résolution de la dispute, qui coïncide avec la publication des Principia Philosophiæ (1644), dont des copies destinées aux jésuites seront distribuées à Paris par Bourdin. Le premier chapitre est consacré aux thèmes de la critique de la Dioptrique à partir du contexte scientifique de Bourdin, en incluant les thèses de certains de ses élèves et trois manuscrits. Dans le deuxième, j’identifie par l’analyse des Objectiones et Responsiones VII un développement essentiel de la critique de Bourdin. De la méthode du doute, où les commentateurs voient généralement l’essentiel de la critique de Bourdin, dépend selon lui la faiblesse de la théorie de la distinction entre l’âme et le corps. Dans le troisième chapitre, par l’analyse de l’Épitre au Père Dinet, je reconstruis la fin de la controverse et les dynamiques qui la lient à la publication des Principia. La transcription d’une Optique, présente dans un des trois manuscrits, conclut la thèse. / This study looks at the controversy between Descartes and Pierre Bourdin, providing a historical reconstruction and analysing the concepts in their debate. The dispute arose after the publication of Discours and Essais (1637) and, particularly, when Charles Potier defended three theses against the Dioptric in 1640. The dispute evolved from the scientific to the metaphysic plane with Bourdin’s redaction of a Dissertatio, which was included in the second edition of Meditations (1642) as the Seventh Set of Objections with Replies and, together with the Letter to Father Dinet, form an Appendix to Meditations. Dinet’s intervention made possible a reconciliation between Descartes and Bourdin, which coincided with the publication of Principia (1644). The first chapter is dedicated to the themes of the critic to the optic starting from Bourdin’s scientific context, using the theses of the students of the Jesuit College and the contents of three manuscripts. In the second chapter, with the analysis of Objections VII, Bourdin’s critic, which is usually considered to have its focus on the method and, precisely, on doubt, undergoes a crucial development concerning the Cartesian demonstration of real distinction. Bourdin identifies the weakness of the theory of real distinction based on the doubt. This chapter also scrutinizes a lecture of Descartes’ answer that underlines points of tension between Meditations and Answers. The third chapter, analysing Letter to Father Dinet, reconstructs the end of controversy and the dynamic that links it to the publication of Principia. A transcription of an Optic from one of three manuscripts concludes the dissertation.

En reconnaissant dès 1936 l’Appellation d’Origine Contrôlée de vin liquoreux « Monbazillac », l’Etat, par le biais de l’INAO, définit officiellement le vin liquoreux comme un produit de terroir, élaboré par un savoir-faire humain sur un espace aux aptitudes agronomiques et aux conditions climatiques particulières. Pourtant, malgré la mode des « produits de terroir », en France, le vin liquoreux semble très loin d’avoir acquis l’image d’un produit de terroir et se situe en bas de la hiérarchie vitivinicole. Sa production est fragmentée dans l’espace productif viticole français, alors que ce vin est majoritairement produit dans les aires d’influence des vignobles de Bordeaux et Bourgogne. Le vin liquoreux est ainsi élaboré au sein de petits vignobles de vins liquoreux, qui s’inscrivent dans de petits voire très petits vignobles, à l’image des vignobles de Bergerac, Jurançon, Jura et Corrèze. Les vins liquoreux français semblent donc constituer des « impensés » de la géographie du vin, puisque non reconnus en tant que produit de terroir, et puisque élaborés au sein de vignobles de l’entre-deux, de périphéries dominées, voire de marges viticoles. Or, le terroir vitivinicole est une représentation de la société qui le fait vivre. Au sein des différents systèmes spatiaux que constituent les terroirs viticoles étudiés, les acteurs du vin élaborent de nouveaux modèles territoriaux, dans des territoires recomposés par la réforme de la filière viticole impulsée entre 2006 et 2008 et d’espaces ruraux marqués par les conséquences de la mondialisation. Des stratégies de distinction émergent alors à toutes les échelles au sein de ces espaces pour mieux se positionner dans la hiérarchie, dont le haut est incontestablement occupé par Château d’Yquem, célèbre cru de Sauternes, dont la réputation n’a jamais été aussi forte. Ainsi, au fond, les petits vignobles de vin liquoreux étudiés ne permettent-ils pas de répondre à une question presque existentielle lorsqu’on veut vivre aujourd’hui d’une production vitivinicole en France ou même ailleurs : comment vendre du vin aujourd’hui ? / By acknowledging from 1936 the controlled designation of origin of the sweet wine "Monbazillac", the State, by means of the INAO, officially defines sweet wine as a local product, developed by a human know-how in an area of agronomic skills and in particular weather conditions. Nevertheless, in spite of the "produits du terroir" trend, in France, sweet wine seems very far away from having acquired the image of a local product and is situated at the bottom of the wine sector hierarchy. Its production is split up within the French wine-making productive space while this wine is mainly produced in the areas of influence within Bordeaux and Burgundy vineyards. Sweet wine is thus developed within small sweet wine vineyards, which are part of small sometimes even very small vineyards, just like the vineyards of Bergerac, Jurançon, Jura and Corrèze. Therefore, French sweet wine seems to forman "unthought" of wine geography, because it is not recognized as alocal product, and because it is developed within vineyards that are between larger ones, which are more dominant, on the outskirts of the wine-making zone. However, the wine terroir is a representation of the society that keeps it alive. Within the various spatial systems which constitute the wine-making terroirs being examined, wine professionals develop new territorial models, in territories recomposed by the reform of the wine-making sector promoted between 2006 and 2008 and rural spaces marked by the consequences of globalization. Strategies of distinction emerge then on all scales within these spaces to be better positioned within the hierarchy, the top of which is unmistakably occupied by the Château d’Yquem, a famous Sauternes vineyard, the reputation of which has never been so strong. So, in fact, do not the small sweet wine vineyards under study enable ananswer to an almost existential question when we want to live off wine production today in France, or even somewhere else: how can we sell wine today?

Expressions culturelles en vogue parmi les jeunes adultes (25-35 ans) issus des milieux privilégiés, la haute gastronomie à base péruvienne et les fêtes de musique électronique se sont fait rapidement une place centrale dans l’offre de loisirs culturels de la ville de Lima. L’analyse de la construction sociale du prestige autour de ces activités mondialisées révèle que, bien que la valeur accordée à ces pratiques puisse être éphémère dans la mesure où il s’agit de champs culturels traversés par des effets de mode, elle est pourtant fondée sur des mécanismes de distinction sociale faisant appel à des significations profondément enracinées dans la société péruvienne. Une immersion dans ces milieux « exclusifs « et « branchés « montre que ces mécanismes, très subtiles et fortement articulés à des logiques marchandes, véhiculent des valeurs et des attitudes contribuant à la construction (ou reconstruction) de la « culture bourgeoise liménienne » / Popular cultural expressions among young adults (25-35 years old) from privileged social groups, Peruvian-based high gastronomy and electronic music parties have quickly obtained a central place in the offer of cultural leisure activities of the city of Lima. The analysis of the social construction of reputation around these globalized activities reveals that, although the value granted to these practices may be short-lived as far as it is about cultural fields crossed by fashion effects, it is nevertheless founded on mechanisms of social distinction appealing to meanings firmly implanted in the Peruvian society. An immersion in these « exclusive » and « trendy » circles demonstrates that these mechanisms, very subtle and strongly articulated with trade logics, convey values and attitudes contributing to the construction (or reconstruction) of « Lima’s bourgeois culture ».

L’institution confie aux maîtres formateurs une double mission d'enseignement dans une classe et de formateur d'adultes, leur confiant un rôle de « travailleur modèle » à la fois relais de la parole institutionnelle et représentant des « bonnes pratiques ». Ils sont alors assujettis à des phénomènes d’Arrière-plan qui conditionnent leurs possibilités d’action.L’enquête, menée dans un contexte de réforme institutionnelle (mise en place de la mastérisation des enseignants) met en évidence des contraintes qui pèsent sur les maîtres formateurs, tenus à un « devoir d’excellence » dans le cadre d’un ensemble de valeurs transmises et transformées tout au long de l’histoire de l’enseignement primaire, des écoles normales aux IUFM. Les données de terrain recueillies se composent d’entretiens avec des formateurs mais aussi d’observations directes : des stages de formation de formateurs (conférences pédagogiques), des situations de formation et d’évaluation des stagiaires, et des éléments d’autoanalyse de la pratique. La thèse montre que la dévolution de cette mission de formation aux maîtres formateurs produit, en lien avec un besoin de reconnaissance et de distinction, un double mouvement d’assujettissement aux demandes institutionnelles d’une part, et d’émancipation de la condition d’enseignant « ordinaire » d’autre part. Le concept de sensibilité au contrat institutionnel permet alors de comprendre comment les maîtres formateurs opèrent des ajustements entre les injonctions institutionnelles et les contraintes de la pratique. / Within the educational system, mentors are entrusted with two tasks: teaching, as well as training adults. In a sense, they are expected to act as “model workers”, transmitting official wisdom, and publicizing “good practices”. They are subjected to Background effects, which determine their leeway. Our research was conducted in the context of institutional changes, namely the granting of MAs to trainees for the teaching profession. It highlights the constraints bearing upon mentors, who are expected to maintain standards of excellence. Such standards were inherited from the traditional training schools for primary education (“écoles normales”) as well as the newer teacher training institutions (IUFM), but also underwent significant changes. Primary sources include interviews with mentors as well as direct observation: Training schemes for mentors, training sessions and assessment of trainees, self analysis. This dissertation purports to demonstrate that the granting of a responsibility in training to mentors craving for recognition and distinction leaves them in a double bind. On the one hand they are subjected to institutional injunctions, on the other hand they aspire to professional freedom and autonomy, just as any other teacher. Mentors in fact negotiate their way between official demands and the constraints of practical work. Acknowledging the existence of a “compact” between mentors and their institutional employer is essential to an understanding of this process of negotiation.