Desde a criação da OMC em 1995, países desenvolvidos e em desenvolvimento intensificaram a busca por uma ação coordenada mais efetiva e, principalmente durante a Rodada Doha, passaram a influenciar o processo de tomada de decisão por meio da criação de coalizões internacionais. A atuação paradigmática do Brasil no processo de formação e atuação do G20 fez com que o país se tornasse um eminente player nas negociações agrícolas da Rodada de Desenvolvimento de Doha e entrasse de maneira definitiva no alto nível decisório da Organização. Dessa forma, o objetivo deste trabalho é explorar o debate relacionado à atuação das coalizões internacionais, bem como identificar os elementos que constituem a liderança política nesse modo de ação coletiva, sobretudo no que se relaciona ao caso da atuação do Brasil no G20 durante as negociações da Rodada Doha da OMC. / Since the creation of the WTO in 1995, developed and developing countries intensified the demand for a more effective and coordinated action, especially during the Doha Round, and began to influence the decision making process through the creation of international coalitions. The paradigmatic role of Brazil in the formation and performance of the G20 has rendered the country a prominent position in the agricultural negotiations of the Doha Development Round. Thus, the objective of this paper is to explore the debate related to the performance of international coalitions, and to identify the elements that constitute the political leadership in this mode of collective action, especially with regard to the case of Brazil\'s role in G20 during negotiations of the WTO Doha Round.

Une telle étude n'aurait pas été possible immédiatement après la conclusion de l'Accord de Marrakech, suite aux premières analyses. Des analyses qu'il convenait de prendre en compte avec du recul, la richesse du substrat est à souligner. Le choix de l'organisation, quant à lui, est dicté par un constat: l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce qui est aussi en phase de mutation participe du réaménagement, de l'ordre économique mondial. Pour que cette participation de l'OMC contribue à l'équilibre global du système, il est nécessaire de proposer des pistes de travail aux représentants des Etats, aux négociateurs, aux différents groupes parties prenantes à ce processus évolutif. Proposer des pistes de réformes auto centrées exclusivement sur l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce reviendrait, par le biais d'un schéma réducteur à l'excès, à ne pas tenir compte de la dimension de la sphère internationale. Le plan et le déroulement de la thèse ont été dictés par cet incontournable cahier des charges. Incontournable tout comme le constat qui a servi d'armature à la première partie, le modèle juridictionnel est accessible mais non atteint par l'OMC. Deux de ces éléments, l'existence d'un différend et l'application du droit ne posent pas de problèmes lorsqu'ils sont soumis à la matrice de règlement des différends de l'OMC. Mais le caractère obligatoire des recommandations pose le problème de la compatibilité avec les critères formel et organique du modèle juridictionnel. . L'atypisme de l'OMC est illustré par le dédoublement fonctionnel auquel se livre le Conseil Général-Organe de Règlement des Différends. La juridictionnalisation du traitement des différends commerciaux peut s'envisager via la configuration de nouveaux schémas coopératifs, y compris avec des ramifications hors du centre William Rappard. La conclusion de lathèse, tout en synthétisant les causes de la non validation du qualificatif juridictionnel pour l'OMC, rend compte de virages prospectifs qui pourraient permettre l'émergence d'une juridiction commerciale internationale entre Etats. / Such a study would not have been possible straight after the conclusion of the Agreement of Marrakesh, further to the first analyses. Analyses which it was advisable to take into account with hindsight, the wealth of the substratum should be noticed. As for the choice of the organization, it is dictated by a report stating that the World Trade Organization which is also in the pro cess of being transferred participates in the reorganization of the world economic order. In order for this participation of the WTO ( .. ) to contribute to the global balance of the system, it is necessary to propose working tracks to the representatives of the States, to the negotiators, to the various groups involved in this progressive process. Proposing means of reforms centred only on WTO, excessive reduction and not taking into account the dimension of the international sphere. The plan and the progress of the thesis were dictated by these unavoidable specifications. As inevitable as the report which was used as a basis of the first part, the jurisdictional model is accessible but not reached by the WTO ( .. ). Two out of these elements, the existence of a dispute and the application of law do not pose problems when they are subjected to the matrix of dispute settlement of the WTO ( .. ). But the compulsory character of the recommendations poses the problem of the compatibility with the formaI and organiccriteria of the jurisdictional model. The atypism of the WTO ( .. ) is illustrated by the functional splitting in which the General-Organ Council of Dispute settlement is engaged. The 'jurisdictionnalisation" of the treatment of the trade disagreements can be envisaged via the configuration of new cooperative plans, including ramifications outside the William Rappard Center. The conclusion of the thesis, while synthesizing the causes of the invalidation of the jurisdictional qualifier for the WTO ( .. ), justifies means of prospection allowing the emergence of an international commercial jurisdiction between States.

O texto discute a evolução do esforço do setor privado do agronegócio brasileiro na defesa de sua agenda de abertura de mercados externos. O foco é em especial no período entre a Rodada Uruguai (1986-1994) do Acordo Geral de Tarifas e Comércio (Gatt) e na Rodada Doha (desde 2001) da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC). O objetivo é analisar de que forma o aumento da competitividade internacional desse setor, nas últimas décadas, contribuiu para o interesse dos empresários em elaborar uma agenda de demandas ofensivas. Busca-se ainda indicar como esse interesse se traduziu em ações coletivas. A ação coletiva pode ser entendida como a ação de indivíduos, ou de apenas um, interessados em obter um bem coletivo. Esse bem tem caráter primordialmente de partilhabilidade (seu uso por um indivíduo não diminui a quantidade para outros indivíduos) e de não exclusão, com todos do grupo tendo direito de usufruir dele. O caminho para se obter o bem é basicamente por meio de organizações. Entidades que representam empresas da agroindústria são aqui objetos de estudo. A análise ocorre sobre dois tipos de entidades: as de caráter geral, que representam diferentes segmentos do agronegócio, e as de caráter específico, que defendem interesses de um segmento. Devido à forte competitividade do agronegócio brasileiro, é sobre a ação de atores ofensivos que se concentra a discussão. A pesquisa indica que após a reestruturação do agronegócio no final dos anos 80 e nos anos 90, com o fim do pesado intervencionismo estatal e com a liberalização comercial do país, parte da agroindústria enfrentou o desafio de se modernizar e de abrir mercados externos. O que se assistiu foi a diversificação da pauta de exportação e o crescimento contínuo das vendas ao exterior. Tal aumento de vendas e diversificação adicionou atores ao grupo de interessados na abertura de mercados internacionais, inclusive por meio de redução de barreiras protecionistas aos produtos brasileiros. O país envolveu-se nos últimos anos em negociações internacionais com a meta de redução dessas barreiras. De uma participação incipiente e pouco organizada para a negociação da Rodada Uruguai, o setor privado caminhou em direção a um preparo técnico maior de conhecimento das barreiras enfrentadas e das soluções possíveis para eliminá-las, de forma a atuar com mais organização nas negociações dos anos 90 e das deste século, como a Rodada Doha. Este estudo aponta que essa atuação se deu por meio de ações coletivas organizadas pelas associações de segmentos da agroindústria, as quais, na percepção dos empresários, têm sido o principal canal de articulação de interesses, quando comparadas a entidades de caráter geral, como a Confederação da Agricultura e Pecuária do Brasil (CNA), órgão oficial de representação. Isso indica que grupos menores têm maior capacidade de mobilização do que grupos grandes. Mas há uma heterogeneidade dentro dessas associações de segmentos, com sócios de diferentes tamanhos, interesses e recursos. Os membros mais interessados no bem coletivo e com mais recursos formam uma massa crítica que parece ajudar a compreender a atuação desses grupos menores / This research discusses the evolution of the efforts made by the private sector of the Brazilian agribusiness to defend its agenda of liberalization of international markets. It is especially focused on the period between the Uruguay Round (1986-1994) of the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (Gatt) and on the Doha Round (since 2001) of the World Trade Organization (WTO). The aim of this research is to analyse how the increase in the international competitiveness of the Brazilian agribusiness in the last few decades has affected the private sector interest in elaborating an offensive agenda. In addition, it is our purpose to indicate how this interest has generated collective actions by the private sector. Collective action can be understood as the action by a group of individuals, or just one individual, who are interested in reaching a collective good. The characteristics of this collective good are primarily the jointness of supply, meaning that an individual who has access to that good will not diminish the amount available to another individual, and non-excludibility, meaning that all the individuals of the group will have access to that good. Organizations are the mainly way to reach the collective goods. Associations that represent agribusiness firms are the objects of study in this research. The analysis will be made on two types of associations: those that represent different segments of the agribusiness and those that represent one segment of the agribusiness. Due to the strong competitiveness of the Brazilian agribusiness, the discussion will be concentrated on the actions taken by the players with an agenda demanding higher trade liberalization. This study indicates that after the restructure of the agribusiness in the late 80s and in the 90s, with the end of the heavy state intervention in the sector and the trade liberalization of the country, part of the agribusiness faced the challenge of modernisation and looked for new markets abroad. The result was a diversification of the products exported and the continuous expansion of the exports. Such diversification and increase in the exports added new players to the group formed by those interested in the liberalization of international markets, including the reduction of protectionist barriers against Brazilian products. In the last few years Brazil has participated in a number of international trade negotiations with the aim to put pressure on the reduction of those barriers. From an incipient organization to participate in the Uruguay Round, the private sector headed for a higher technical understanding of the international obstacles to its products and the possible solutions to open more markets. This resulted in it being also better organized to defend its agenda in the negotiations occurred during the 90s and the beginning of this century, such as the Doha Round. One of the conclusions of this study is that the private sector movement was made by collective actions organized by those associations representative of specific segments of the agribusiness, which are seen by the private sector as the main channel to articulate their interests, when compared to associations that represent different segments of the agribusiness, such as the Confederation of Agriculture and Livestock of Brasil (CNA), the official representative of the sector. This indicates that small groups are more successful in mobilizing a collective action than large groups. However, there is an heterogeneity inside those associations that represent one specific segment, with members of different sizes, different interests and different resources. The members more interested in the collective good and with more resources to provide it form a critical mass that seems to better explain the movements of the small groups

This thesis analyzes World Trade Organization Doha Round negotiation process and its implications for Turkey&rsquo / s relations with its neighbors. The thesis mainly focuses on two pillars of negotiating package, namely agricultural and non-agricultural products (NAMA) negotiations. Both segments of negotiations have different dimensions due to Turkey&rsquo / s regional and multilateral obligations. As a developing country, Turkey&rsquo / s position in agriculture is more in line with other developing countries / in NAMA however it defends more liberal policies because of its Customs Union with the EU. Results of Doha Round will affect not only Turkey but also Turkey&rsquo / s neighbors and these effects will be more dramatic in some of them. Chapter I is Introduction Chapter. Chapter II evaluates Doha Round in detail / Chapters III and IV examine agriculture and NAMA negotiations and their implications for Turkey. Chapter V evaluates other negotiation topics such as services, trade facilitation, environment and rules. Chapter VI analyzes Turkey&rsquo / s Customs Union with the EU and its bilateral trade arrangements. The last Chapter is the Conclusion.

O texto discute a evolução do esforço do setor privado do agronegócio brasileiro na defesa de sua agenda de abertura de mercados externos. O foco é em especial no período entre a Rodada Uruguai (1986-1994) do Acordo Geral de Tarifas e Comércio (Gatt) e na Rodada Doha (desde 2001) da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC). O objetivo é analisar de que forma o aumento da competitividade internacional desse setor, nas últimas décadas, contribuiu para o interesse dos empresários em elaborar uma agenda de demandas ofensivas. Busca-se ainda indicar como esse interesse se traduziu em ações coletivas. A ação coletiva pode ser entendida como a ação de indivíduos, ou de apenas um, interessados em obter um bem coletivo. Esse bem tem caráter primordialmente de partilhabilidade (seu uso por um indivíduo não diminui a quantidade para outros indivíduos) e de não exclusão, com todos do grupo tendo direito de usufruir dele. O caminho para se obter o bem é basicamente por meio de organizações. Entidades que representam empresas da agroindústria são aqui objetos de estudo. A análise ocorre sobre dois tipos de entidades: as de caráter geral, que representam diferentes segmentos do agronegócio, e as de caráter específico, que defendem interesses de um segmento. Devido à forte competitividade do agronegócio brasileiro, é sobre a ação de atores ofensivos que se concentra a discussão. A pesquisa indica que após a reestruturação do agronegócio no final dos anos 80 e nos anos 90, com o fim do pesado intervencionismo estatal e com a liberalização comercial do país, parte da agroindústria enfrentou o desafio de se modernizar e de abrir mercados externos. O que se assistiu foi a diversificação da pauta de exportação e o crescimento contínuo das vendas ao exterior. Tal aumento de vendas e diversificação adicionou atores ao grupo de interessados na abertura de mercados internacionais, inclusive por meio de redução de barreiras protecionistas aos produtos brasileiros. O país envolveu-se nos últimos anos em negociações internacionais com a meta de redução dessas barreiras. De uma participação incipiente e pouco organizada para a negociação da Rodada Uruguai, o setor privado caminhou em direção a um preparo técnico maior de conhecimento das barreiras enfrentadas e das soluções possíveis para eliminá-las, de forma a atuar com mais organização nas negociações dos anos 90 e das deste século, como a Rodada Doha. Este estudo aponta que essa atuação se deu por meio de ações coletivas organizadas pelas associações de segmentos da agroindústria, as quais, na percepção dos empresários, têm sido o principal canal de articulação de interesses, quando comparadas a entidades de caráter geral, como a Confederação da Agricultura e Pecuária do Brasil (CNA), órgão oficial de representação. Isso indica que grupos menores têm maior capacidade de mobilização do que grupos grandes. Mas há uma heterogeneidade dentro dessas associações de segmentos, com sócios de diferentes tamanhos, interesses e recursos. Os membros mais interessados no bem coletivo e com mais recursos formam uma massa crítica que parece ajudar a compreender a atuação desses grupos menores / This research discusses the evolution of the efforts made by the private sector of the Brazilian agribusiness to defend its agenda of liberalization of international markets. It is especially focused on the period between the Uruguay Round (1986-1994) of the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (Gatt) and on the Doha Round (since 2001) of the World Trade Organization (WTO). The aim of this research is to analyse how the increase in the international competitiveness of the Brazilian agribusiness in the last few decades has affected the private sector interest in elaborating an offensive agenda. In addition, it is our purpose to indicate how this interest has generated collective actions by the private sector. Collective action can be understood as the action by a group of individuals, or just one individual, who are interested in reaching a collective good. The characteristics of this collective good are primarily the jointness of supply, meaning that an individual who has access to that good will not diminish the amount available to another individual, and non-excludibility, meaning that all the individuals of the group will have access to that good. Organizations are the mainly way to reach the collective goods. Associations that represent agribusiness firms are the objects of study in this research. The analysis will be made on two types of associations: those that represent different segments of the agribusiness and those that represent one segment of the agribusiness. Due to the strong competitiveness of the Brazilian agribusiness, the discussion will be concentrated on the actions taken by the players with an agenda demanding higher trade liberalization. This study indicates that after the restructure of the agribusiness in the late 80s and in the 90s, with the end of the heavy state intervention in the sector and the trade liberalization of the country, part of the agribusiness faced the challenge of modernisation and looked for new markets abroad. The result was a diversification of the products exported and the continuous expansion of the exports. Such diversification and increase in the exports added new players to the group formed by those interested in the liberalization of international markets, including the reduction of protectionist barriers against Brazilian products. In the last few years Brazil has participated in a number of international trade negotiations with the aim to put pressure on the reduction of those barriers. From an incipient organization to participate in the Uruguay Round, the private sector headed for a higher technical understanding of the international obstacles to its products and the possible solutions to open more markets. This resulted in it being also better organized to defend its agenda in the negotiations occurred during the 90s and the beginning of this century, such as the Doha Round. One of the conclusions of this study is that the private sector movement was made by collective actions organized by those associations representative of specific segments of the agribusiness, which are seen by the private sector as the main channel to articulate their interests, when compared to associations that represent different segments of the agribusiness, such as the Confederation of Agriculture and Livestock of Brasil (CNA), the official representative of the sector. This indicates that small groups are more successful in mobilizing a collective action than large groups. However, there is an heterogeneity inside those associations that represent one specific segment, with members of different sizes, different interests and different resources. The members more interested in the collective good and with more resources to provide it form a critical mass that seems to better explain the movements of the small groups

Desde a criação da OMC em 1995, países desenvolvidos e em desenvolvimento intensificaram a busca por uma ação coordenada mais efetiva e, principalmente durante a Rodada Doha, passaram a influenciar o processo de tomada de decisão por meio da criação de coalizões internacionais. A atuação paradigmática do Brasil no processo de formação e atuação do G20 fez com que o país se tornasse um eminente player nas negociações agrícolas da Rodada de Desenvolvimento de Doha e entrasse de maneira definitiva no alto nível decisório da Organização. Dessa forma, o objetivo deste trabalho é explorar o debate relacionado à atuação das coalizões internacionais, bem como identificar os elementos que constituem a liderança política nesse modo de ação coletiva, sobretudo no que se relaciona ao caso da atuação do Brasil no G20 durante as negociações da Rodada Doha da OMC. / Since the creation of the WTO in 1995, developed and developing countries intensified the demand for a more effective and coordinated action, especially during the Doha Round, and began to influence the decision making process through the creation of international coalitions. The paradigmatic role of Brazil in the formation and performance of the G20 has rendered the country a prominent position in the agricultural negotiations of the Doha Development Round. Thus, the objective of this paper is to explore the debate related to the performance of international coalitions, and to identify the elements that constitute the political leadership in this mode of collective action, especially with regard to the case of Brazil\'s role in G20 during negotiations of the WTO Doha Round.

India, China and Indonesia are among the six largest and fastest growing economies in the world (BRIICS). Rich countries are still reluctant to accept the fact that developing countries are becoming stronger and that the balance of economic power is shifting. The international community therefore seeks to find the way how to deal with this situation and the answer is to involve developing countries in the international trade. The main objective of the WTO is to involve developing countries in world trade and to create better conditions for them. Therefore, in 2001, the Doha Development Agenda has commenced and its aim is to achieve the goals of the WTO. The main objective of this paper is to evaluate the success of the Doha round and its prospects with the focus on the attitudes and interests of the major Asian economies, namely China, India and Indonesia.

For the European Union (EU), the field of trade policy is a main field in which the EU can assert its actorness and build its identity as an international actor. This "superpower" potential arises out of the EU's extensive resource equipment in trade policy and is driven forward by the EU's significant economic interests. To what extent, however, the EU has been able to use its resources to shape the rules of the international trade regime according to its own preferences has remained questionable. This thesis investigates the question of the EU's impact on and power utilisation in the international trade regime by analysing the EU's changing involvement in World Trade Organisation (WTO) negotiations. Drawing from the theoretical concepts of the "international regime" and "power", the thesis proposes an approach centred on the possession, mobilisation and impact of actors' power in international regimes. In particular, the thesis proposes a framework centred on five key elements: specification of the regime, its qualities and focus; the resources or 'underlying power' that actors bring to the regime; the resources derived by actors from the operation of the regime itself, or 'organisationally dependent capabilities'; the manifestation or deployment of resources and strategies by actors in negotiations; and outcomes defined in terms of actors' power over the regime itself. After an examination of the broad context of the WTO's development and the EU's involvement in the international trade regime, this framework is then explored through a detailed study of the EU's involvement in the negotiations over trade in services that took place in the WTO between 1995 and 2005, using evidence from a wide range of documentary sources and from interviews. On the basis of this exploration of trade in services, the thesis finds that despite the EU's outstanding resources, the WTO negotiations have become too complex for the EU to decisively influence them due to a power shift in the international trade regime. The special nature of the trade in services negotiations makes these particularly unmanageable and they do not seem to present the EU with a setting for achieving its preferences. A lack of cooperation among the WTO members in favour of the negotiations has made progress in the negotiations very hard to realise for the EU. At the same time, the erosion of the EU's resources by the shifting attitude in civil society towards trade policy, and an apparent Jack of business support, has increased the challenge for the EU of managing the international trade regime. Questions are therefore raised about the extent to which the EU has responded to change, mobilised its resources effectively and had a consistent impact on the international trade regime since the mid-1990s.

Utilizando o modelo gravitacional, estimado através da Pseudo Máxima Verossimilhança de Poisson com a inclusão de efeitos fixos, esta tese de doutorado fornece evidências de que a OMC teve um profundo impacto sobre o comércio internacional. Entretanto, esse impacto ocorreu de forma assimétrica entre os setores, países desenvolvidos e em desenvolvimento, membros e não membros. Considerando as importações agregadas, os países em desenvolvimento foram os mais favorecidos pela atuação da OMC, porém com dados desagregados de produtos primários, têxteis e industrializados, os países desenvolvidos foram os que mais se beneficiaram do aumento do comércio mundial promovido pela OMC. Muito embora as nações desenvolvidas também tiveram seus fluxos de comércio ampliados pela OMC nos setores têxtil e industrial, o maior crescimento ocorreu no setor primário. Além disso, esses países não discriminaram os não membros da instituição. Diferentemente, a abertura comercial dos países em desenvolvimento foi discriminatória e o crescimento do comércio foi observado apenas em produtos primários e industriais, mas em menor magnitude que as nações desenvolvidas. Alternativamente, utilizando o Modelo de Equilíbrio Geral Computável do GTAP, foram avaliados os impactos de uma hipotética conclusão da Rodada de Doha sobre os países desenvolvidos e em desenvolvimento, membros e não membros da OMC. Os resultados sugerem que, ao incorporar a redução de barreiras não tarifárias nas reformas, além das tarifas de importação e subsídios à exportação, os ganhos, em termos de PIB e bem-estar, ampliam-se para os seus membros, sugerindo que seus efeitos são claramente dominantes em relação às tarifas de importação e aos subsídios à exportação. Considerando o cenário de maior liberalização comercial, os países desenvolvidos teriam um crescimento de bem-estar de aproximadamente US$ 572 bilhões, enquanto os em desenvolvimento aumentariam US$ 441 bilhões. O custo de não ser membro da OMC, em termos de bem-estar, pode chegar até US$ 34 bilhões. / Using the gravitational model, estimated through the Pseudo Maximum Likelihood of Poisson with the inclusion of fixed effects, this doctoral thesis provides evidence that the WTO had a profound impact on international trade. However, this impact occurred asymmetrically between the developed and developing countries, members and non-members. Considering aggregate imports, developing countries were the ones most benefited by the WTO, but with disaggregated data on primary, textile and industrialized products, developed countries benefited most from the increase in world trade promoted by the WTO. Although developed nations also had their trade flows expanded by the WTO in the textile and industrial sectors, the largest growth occurred in the primary sector. In addition, these countries did not discriminate against non-members of the institution. In contrast, trade liberalization in developing countries was discriminatory and trade growth was observed only in primary and industrial products, but to a lesser extent than developed nations. Also, using the GTAP General Computable Equilibrium Model, the impacts of a hypothetical conclusion of the Doha Round on the developed and developing countries, members and non-members of the WTO, were evaluated. The results suggest that, by incorporating the reduction of non-tariff barriers in the reforms, in addition to import tariffs and export subsidies, gains in terms of GDP and welfare increase for its members, suggesting that its effects Are clearly dominant in relation to import tariffs and export subsidies. Considering the scenario of increased trade liberalization, developed countries would have a welfare growth of approximately US$ 572 billion while developing countries would increase US$ 441 billion. The cost of not being a member of the WTO in terms of welfare can reach up to US$ 34 billion.

Este estudo buscou compreender como se dá a participação dos atores domésticos na formulação da posição brasileira nas negociações agrícolas, da Rodada de Doha da OMC. A partir da análise de documentos oficiais e de entrevistas realizadas com representantes dos principais atores domésticos brasileiros, foi possível mapear a rede de articulações, interesses e posições que se forma em torno das negociações agrícolas internacionais. Além disso, buscouse compreender a atenção dispensada as demandas desses atores, bem como avaliar os critérios utilizados para incorporá-las na agenda negociadora do país. As reflexões sobre o assunto foram amparadas na Teoria dos Jogos de Dois Níveis, de Putnam (2010), na qual o autor parte do pressuposto de que toda negociação internacional envolve uma dimensão doméstica. Para elaboração deste estudo, partiu-se da hipótese de que existe no plano doméstico a formação de coalizões que se articulam e estabelecem limites para o negociador do país atuar no contexto internacional com os demais negociadores. Os resultados encontrados evidenciaram uma rede de articulação de atores domésticos, inclusive dentro do próprio governo, com interesses heterogêneos e visões diferenciadas da agricultura brasileira. Foram percebidos, assim, dois modelos em disputa que representam públicos e visões diferenciadas. Com o aumento do interesse por política internacional, em virtude, principalmente, do aumento da internacionalização da economia brasileira, muitos atores saíram em defesa de seus interesses, o que acentuou as divergências de posições nas discussões das negociações agrícolas. A atuação do MRE/Itamaraty, no processo das negociações da Rodada de Doha, foi voltada para a promoção de convergências. Este ministério buscou conciliar questões domésticas e internacionais, no entanto, não deixou de ter o domínio sobre a decisão final sobre as negociações agrícolas internacionais. Por fim, o estudo confirmou a hipótese de que há, no plano interno, a formação de coalizões que agem formal e informalmente, articulando-se para a defesa de seus interesses, moldando, assim, a posição nacional nas discussões agrícolas da Rodada de Doha. / This study aimed at understanding how is established the participation of the domestic actors in the formularization of the Brazilian position in the agricultural negotiations, of the Doha Round of the OMC. From the analysis of official documents and interviews carried out with representatives of the main Brazilian domestic actors, it was possible to trace the net of articulations, interests and positions around the international agricultural negotiations. Moreover, it was tried to understand the attention given to the demands of these actors, as well as evaluating the criteria used to incorporate them in the negotiating agenda of the country. The reflections on the subject were supported in the Theory of the Games of Two Levels, by Putnam (2010), in which the author states that every international negotiation involves a domestic dimension. For the elaboration of this study, it was taken into account the hypothesis that in the domestic plan there is the formation of coalitions that articulate and establish limits for the negotiator of the country to act in the international context with the other negotiators. The results found, evidenced a net of articulation of domestic actors, also inside the government itself, with heterogeneous interests and differentiated views of Brazilian agriculture. It was, then, perceived two models in dispute that represent public and differentiated views. With the increase of the interest for international politics, due, mainly, to the increase of the internationalization of the Brazilian economy, many actors came to the defense of their interests, what accented the divergences of position in the arguments of agricultural negotiations. The performance of the MRE/Itamaraty, in the process of the negotiations of the Doha Round, was directed to the promotion of convergences. This ministry aimed to conciliate domestic and international issues; however, it continued having the domain on the final decision on the international agricultural negotiations. Finally, the study confirmed the hypothesis that there is, in the internal plan, the formation of coalitions that act formally and informally, articulating for the defense of their interests, molding, thus, the national position in the agricultural arguments of the Doha Round.