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For the past twenty years, environmental organizations have been the main force in Taiwan¡¦s environmental movement. Meanwhile, the institutionalization of environmental organizations had placed them in a dilemma of organizational sustaining and mission pursuing. To continue its influence on public policy and environmental awareness, environmental organizations need to perform harder and better. In recent years, the government has cast environmental organizations in more roles, as well as allowed them to play a more important role in policy consulting. Many environmental organizations have thus become intermediate social institutions and should be held accountable. Moreover, since all environmental organizations have ecology as its stakeholder and many organizations are advocacy-orientated, their process performance needs to be evaluated in the accountability procedure. From a self-regulation perspective, environmental organizations should also develop behavioral norms for self-governance to earn social recognition and trust. In practice, however, laws concerning the accountability of environmental organizations or other NPOs are not well formulated. The intent of this study is mainly to develop an accountability framework workable for self-assessment in environmental organizations. Taking a broad perspective, accountability is here defined as ¡§accounts for the results and process of organizational activities are provided, by which nonprofit organizations are responsive to expectations generated within and outside the organization so as to gain legitimacy in society.¡¨ Synthesizing large literature on theoretical, practical accountability and role expectancy on environmental organizations, the framework, based on institutional theory, was constructed to evaluate accountability in ¡§regulative¡¨, ¡§normative¡¨, ¡§cognitive¡¨ and ¡§organizational characteristics¡¨ dimensions, totally consisting of 92 items. Survey data from the leaders of environmental organizations were collected to examine the evaluative framework¡¦s feasibility by their assessing each item¡¦s reasonability, acceptability, practicability, and importance. As a result, 45 priority items out of 92 were selected, which identify the evaluative contents for an ¡§accountable¡¨ environmental organization, and can be taken as a useful checklist in future to scrutinize organizations¡¦ accountability and performance. Moreover, additional results from in-depth interviewing environmental organizations¡¦ leaders showed that they generally regard regulative accountability as acceptable, normative accountability as reasonable but difficult to achieve, and cognitive accountability as important in delineate organizations¡¦ mission and identity as well as adapting themselves to the society. Among the major findings of this studyare that environmental organizations accept their social responsibility and acknowledge the benefit of performance evaluation, but organizations and the society know little about the concept of accountability. These organizations also believed that the present social institutions and organizational conditions are unhelpful or even harmful for them to take accountability actions. These reasons incline environmental organizations to agree to more external regulation than self-regulation. In the meantime, the above situations mostly hinder launching accountability and performance evaluation in organizations. To drive self-regulation in environmental organizations, institutional building is suggested; that is to couple organizations¡¦ performance evaluation and advancement with self-assessment by expanding knowledge on accountability among the society and making institutional incentives available.

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Studien syftar till att undersöka ekologismen i den sociala rörelsen We Are What We Do, som försöker förverkliga samhälleliga förändringar genom kollektiva små handlingar. Genom en kvalitativ fallstudie analyserar författaren rörelsens strategier som ska inspirera och motivera människor att agera, hur den utnyttjar märke och marknadsföring för att mobilisera kollektiva handlingar och bygga en gemenskap, och rörelsens visioner i det subpolitiska sammanhaget. Studien har slutsatsen att We Are What We Do är ett uttryck av den reflexiva ekologismen, eftersom den utvecklar politik utanför den traditionella politiska arenan, samt syftar till att engagera nya aktörer och omfamnar självorganiserande och avcentraliserade utvecklingar. / This study aims to examine the environmentalism of We Are What We Do, a social change movement which aspires to making social impacts through aggregated individual actions. Through a qualitative single case study, the author analyses the movement’s strategies at inspiring and motivating people to take small actions, how it uses branding to mobilise collective actions and build a community, and the movement’s visions in the context of subpolitics. The study concludes that the We Are What Do embodies a reflexive form of environmentalism, as it chooses to deploy politics outside the conventional political arena, aims to engage new political agents and embraces self-organising and decentralised developments.

Abstract This research will mainly study the Ping-Ling Freeway Plebiscite Act and the Ping-Ling County River and Fish Protection Act. The thesis adopts the logic of collective action and the analytic path of the resource mobilization theory and approval theory, which are derived from the collective action and social action theories. The research will further analyze the cause, process, effect and obstacles, of the Ping-Ling Plebiscite Action and River and Fish Protection Act. By observing the two actions, conclusions can then be drawn on the relationship between the regional collective action and the regional democracy. In the research, it is noted that a political elite, who is also an initiator, organizer as well as spokesperson, plays a significant role in the behavior of collective action. The Ping-Ling Plebiscite and the River and Fish Protection Act, with the leadership and power of the political elite added to hold, construct a systematic mechanism such as the Fish Protection Patrol Party. The politic elite will provide the residents theory discourse for use in participating collective action. Throughout the process of the regional residents participating in collective action, there will be great benefits to the democratic development in the region. From the process of actively participating in the regional affairs, the residents will develop new perspectives, and thus have positive on the development of regional civism. It is also discovered in the study that the factional structure of Ping-Ling County is gradually changing. The phenomenon of faction predominating the residents¡¦ power of political life is gradually diminishing. The residents now cast their votes based on the candidates¡¦ ability and contribution to the region and much less based on faction. It is shown that regional democracy can be radicated and practiced through collective action, and this can be a possible approach for every region¡¦s municipals push.

This thesis attempts to provide a brief historical outline of the environmental movement in Taiwan and the unique political situation that has directly affected how the movement has progressed. Thereafter, it looks at some examples of environmental disputes that have occurred in recent years, paying special attention to the ways the environmental movement has interacted with the government. This provides the background to frame the analysis, which will shed light on the reasons for the current state of distrust and antagonistic interactions between the environmental movement and the government. Finally, the thesis evaluates whether such interactions with the government is helpful for the environmental movement in achieving its goals, while suggesting other possible models of environmentalism in Taiwan.

The presented work is devoted to the development of Czech environmental movement in 1990's which is accompanied by academic debate about de-radicalisation. The aim of the thesis is to explore what sort of particular changes in the field of political ideas could be identified behind notional de-radicalisation. For this purpose is first laid out the historical context within which the movements were created onto their political ideals. It is followed by an introduction of the theoretical approaches to analyse these ideologies, outlining the basic methodological assumptions for a morphological analysis of the journals of Hnuti Duha. This analysis shows that between the periods 1991-1994 and 1998-2000 can be seen significant ideological transformations that are linked both with the inclination to certain elements of conservative thought and partly an inclination to a non-political politics. Key words green political thinking, ideology, morphological analysis, environmental movement

The Dark Green World. Radical environmentalism in Czech republic after 1989 Arnošt Novák ABSTRACT Since 1970' environmental movement has been an important social actor. However it never has been an homogeneous and monolithic movement, but it has represented conglomerate of different approaches and currents, strategies and tactics which they were often in mutual contradictions too. This thesis focus on czech environmental movement after 1989 and especially on the radical ecologist activities. By using qualitative research it tries to map and to re-construct radical ecologist activites within a framework of international radical environmentalism. The thesis strives to open critical discussion about radical ecology in the czech context.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / During the late 1960s and early 1970s, the polluted Great Lakes became a central focus of the North American environmental movement. A majority of this pollution stemmed from phosphate-based laundry detergent use, which had become the primary product households used to wash fabrics after World War II. The large volume of phosphorus in these detergents discharged into the lakes caused excess growths of algae to form in waterways, which turned green and smelly. As the algae died off, it reduced the oxygen in the water, making it less habitable for fish and other aquatic life, a process known as eutrophication. As primary consumers of laundry detergents during the time period, women, particularly white, middle-class housewives in the United States and Canada, became involved in state/provincial, national, and international discussions involving ecology, water pollution, and sewage treatment alongside scientists, politicians, and government officials. Their work as volunteers, activists, and lobbyists influencing the debate and ensuing policies on how best to abate this type of pollution, known as eutrophication, has often been ignored. This thesis recognizes the work women completed encouraging the enactment of key water quality regulations and popularizing the basic tenets of environmentally-conscious consumption practices during the environmental movement in the early 1970s.

The diploma thesis is focused on the Czech and Polish environmental policy. The aim of the thesis is to reflect internal environmental policy from the point of view of the organization Greenpeace which is a non-governmental environmental organization. The thesis analyses how the Czech and Polish branches of the organization reflect the environmental issues of both national policies. The theses also analyses whether the branches consider the topics of environmental issues in the current policy to be sufficient and what activities they do to draw attention to possible shortcomings in environmental policy. In the opening chapters, the thesis is focused on the similarities and differences in the Czech and Polish environmental policy. There is also written whether the policies deal with global or local issues, or whether they reflect the present-day environmental topics. The thesis also mentions the Czech and Polish environmental movement, its establishment and development in the 80s and 90s in the 20th century. The thesis is mainly focused on the current period (since the year 2017) - it's the period of the government of Andrej Babiš and Mateusz Morawiecki. This is the period when the climate crisis is considered as the biggest topic of world environmentalism.