Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of History, 2005. / Title from first page of PDF document. Document formatted into pages; contains [1], ii, 89 p. : maps. Includes bibliographical references (p. 70-89).

Environmental and green politics came into prominance during the last two decades. These two concepts, as well as environmentalism and ecologism are defined in this study and placed within the context of the political system. The emphasis is on green politics and ecologism. The global green movement is analysed according to policy, organisational structures and pattern of development. The South African environmental and green movements are described in the latter part of the study. It is shown that South Africa has a long history of environmentalism. The South African green movement is compared with the global green movement after which it is placed within the context of the South African political system. Green politics in South Africa seems to resemble the early stages of the development of the European movement and the concept of social justice is emphasised. Selected Western Cape groups are discussed according to information gathered by means of a questionnaire. / Political Science / M.A. (Political Science)

The present article discusses the enviromental conflicts related to the mining during the recent past years, with the purpose of identify the limits and the difficulties that have been present in the articulation of a national anti-mining social movement in Peru. The questioning about the reach of the anti-mining movement arises from the constants outbreaks of conflicts that are determinate by local dynamics. The confrontation between the mining company and peasant´s communities has been occurring in different areas of the country, and that is why the analysis focuses in the cases of the ‘Aymarazo’ in Puno, Conga in Cajamarca, and the contrast of informal mining in Madre de Dios. The analysis of the cognitive frameworks, the structure of organization, the window of opportunities, allow this work to recognize the character of the anti-mining mobilizations that occurs in every conflict. / El presente artículo aborda los conflictos socioambientales relacionados con la minería sucedidos en los últimos años, con el propósito de identificar los límites y las  dificultades  presentados  en  la  articulación del movimiento antiminero nacional en el Perú. El cuestionamiento sobre el alcance del movimiento antiminero surge a partir de los constantes estallidos de conflictos determinados por la dinámica local. La confrontación entre la empresa minera y las comunidades rurales se ha dado en diferentes áreas territoriales del país, por lo que se analiza los casos del Aymarazo en Puno, Conga en Cajamarca y el contraste de la minería informal en Madre de Dios. El análisis de los marcos cognitivos, la estructura de la organización, las ventanas de oportunidades permite dar  cuenta  del  cáracter  de las movilizaciones antimineras realizadas durante cada conflicto.

This thesis investigates how everyday patterns of interactions among civil society organizations are transformed in a relatively short period of time when major changes in the broader political context occur. More precisely, it focuses on civic organizations engaged in environmental activism and advocacy in the Basque Country, examining whether ETA’s decision to abandon the armed struggle on October 20th, 2011 has affected their dynamics of collaboration. Combining diverse theoretical elements from the literature on social movements, together with insights from studies of civil society and peacebuilding, and relying upon the conceptual and methodological toolbox of social network analysis (SNA), I analyze the evolution of interorganizational networks of collective action before and after the end of violence, specifically, between the years 2007 and 2017. The empirical core of the dissertation is comprised by chapters 5, 6 and 7. Chapter 5 examines the varying impact of two main external ideological cleavages (national identity and position towards ETA’s violence) on interorganizational collaboration. The findings confirm that allegiances and conflicts related to these two dimensions used to condition collaborative ties between organizations up to 2011, while during the more recent post-conflict period collaborative patterns seem to be less segmented along ideological lines. Chapter 6 complements the preceding one by adding into the analysis several other non-ideological predictors of interorganizational collaboration. Results show that, with the end of ETA’s armed struggle, pragmatic-instrumental factors and interpersonal bonds seem to play a larger role as drivers of public collaboration. Next, chapter 7 engages in a quite different and more exploratory kind of analysis. Applying Diani’s modes of coordination (MoC) analytical framework, I explore whether the underlying relational logics through which civic actors engage with one another have significantly changed before and after the end of violence. The structural network analyses conducted reveal that social movement patterns of relations have expanded after 2011, becoming dominant vis-à-vis other modes of coordination. At the same time, actors embedded in a social movement mode of coordination are slightly more heterogeneous after the definitive demise of the violent conflict in comparison with the previous phase. Taken as a whole, these findings can be interpreted as positive signs of post-conflict normalization of socio-political life in the Basque Country. The fact that environmental civic networks are now denser and more cross-cutting does not only mirror the lower saliency of the cleavages that used to severely condition Basque politics, but it can also serve as a powerful mechanism through which a more tolerant and vibrant democratic community can progressively be built. Overall, this dissertation provides a more nuanced and complex view of the role played by organized civil society and social movements in deeply divided communities, underlining the need to focus on their relational structure in order to correctly assess their potential impact on social integration and the functioning of democracy. Moreover, by analyzing networks among civic organizations in a longitudinal perspective, this dissertation makes several original contributions to social movement scholarship, especially to the stream of literature focusing on coalition making. Methodologically, the replication or adaptation of the empirical design employed in this research could be instrumental in fostering more longitudinal examinations of collective action fields, which until now remain scarce. From a theoretical standpoint, this investigation underlines the context-dependent nature of even well-established patterns of political interactions, underscoring the need to pay more attention to the complex interplay between historical conjunctures and underlying everyday patterns of sociopolitical behavior.

本研究認為要了解台灣新聞媒體在「焚化風險/污染議題」上的表現，必須將其置放在台灣焚化政策爭議的整個歷史脈絡中來作探討，才能跨越「從媒體文本看世界」的侷限，了解國家、社會運動、媒體在「焚化政策爭議」中的互動關係。 研究方法方面，本研究以文獻分析法分析國家推動焚化爐的制度設計與「風險管理」的配套措施則，以參與觀察法、深度訪談與歷史文獻分析民間反焚化爐運動發的發展，並試圖辨識國家與社會運動各提出了哪些詮釋架構。在媒體文本方面，採用框架分析法。 本研究發現，從民國73年《都市垃圾處理方案》開始，「焚化」一直被定為主要垃圾處理政策；國家一方面以各種優惠、補貼、保障利潤的長期合約等機制扶植/圖利國內廠商；另一方面以「中央給錢、地方找地」的權責劃分原則搭配回饋金、公權力、民有民營模式三個機制來排除居民的反對與抗爭。 國家在推動焚化爐的過程中，鼓吹焚化有「減量化、安定化、衛生/無害化、資源回收、占地小、台灣垃圾適於焚化、焚化是先進國家主要垃圾處理方法」等優點，根本未提及戴奧辛及其他污染。待環保團體提出質疑，國家才透過新聞媒體來安撫社會大眾，提出「積極改善」、「配套措施」與「安全保證」，把問題導向「如何補救」而非「是否還要繼續接受污染」。在空氣污染防制方面，大型爐的戴奧辛排放標準遲至民國86年才訂出，小型爐管制最遲至92年才生效。鼓勵民間投資灰渣再利用的政策更是大大增加這些毒物流散到環境中的機率，而且因為我們看不見、不知道，所以毫無警覺。 早期的反焚化爐運動分成兩股力量，草根組織在社區抵擋焚化爐進入，專業環保團體則多次在媒體上揭露「焚化風險/污染」。民國88年起，開始有環保團體引介國外的反焚化論述給社區草根組織；在環保團體與地方組織緊密互動、串聯的過程中，發展出反焚化論述的「在地版本」，更快速壯大運動的影響力，迫使國家重新檢討焚化政策。在反美濃焚化爐的個案中，人們更見識到，在中央/地方政府施政作為與焚化技術雙雙失去正當性之後，焚化利益的政經共生體如何操弄法律、科學/技術與官僚體系特性來抗拒反對與改變。 在焚化風險的決策點上，中時、聯合兩大報並未提供警訊，主動揭露焚化爐可能帶來的風險/污染，也沒有自我批判或學習的能力，在下一次報導時提出警告。 在環保團體揭露焚化風險/污染時，兩報傾向用「兩面並陳、各說各話」的「衝突對立框架」來處理，但聯合報傾向凸顯兩造說法的兩極化、沒有交集，中時則是「形式對立、內容不強調對立」。不過，在揭露之後，民間團體還是很難得到媒體近用，但國家卻能輕鬆得到媒體進用，以科學研究的內部不確定性和外部權威、「安全保證」等機制，將議題引導至「風險管理」的詮釋框架，解除焚化政策的正當性危機。 在「反對焚化污染/風險運動」的媒體再現中，美濃反焚化爐運動完全被擠壓在地方版，只有官員圖利廠商被偵辦的新聞才上得了全國版，但此類「司法新聞」無法呈現中央/地方政府互踢皮球、集體卸責等整套「風險政治」的運作過程，不利於各地受害者的交流、串聯，亦不利社會輿論壓力的形成。 在討論垃圾問題的社論中，兩報均接受焚化是國家「既定政策」的事實，以「肯定並催促興建」、「視為既定事實」、「討論如何排除焚化爐興建困難的問題」、「信任科學/技術」等框架來支持「焚化爐是最佳方案」。「減量回收」政策從頭到尾都被套上個人實踐的道德化框架，削弱其可獨當一面，取代焚化爐的正當性，亦排除了國家在減量回收政策上的責任。 兩報探討垃圾與焚化爐問題的社論絕大多數是應垃圾大戰而寫，只有一篇聯合報社論以焚化爐風險為主題。兩報對於焚化爐爭議大致上有固定的框架，中國時報很一貫地抱持「焚化是不得不然的選擇」，所以要作好管制/公關工作的詮釋框架，聯合報則是一直強調源頭管制（減量）的重要性，只可惜該報的言論並不認為源頭管制可以完全取代焚化，故在立場上是採取「嚴格管制焚化爐，加上個人要作好源頭減量才是戴奧辛的治本之道」。不過，這種一致性僅限於全國版，地方版無法歸納出類似規則。

[pt] Esse trabalho tem como objetivo descrever o processo de institucionalização de políticas ambientais no Banco Mundial.Inicialmente, a dissertação descreve a organização internacional e suas formas de atuação sobre os países membros; tanto financeiramente quanto na incorporação e na disseminação de conhecimento. Na segunda parte são particularmente enfatizadas as mudanças organizacionais ocorridas em três fases - de 1970 a 1987, de 1987 a 1992, e de 1992 em diante -, cujo objetivo foi incluir as políticas ambientais nas rotinas e processos do Bird. / [en] This work intends to describe the process of environmental institutionalization occurred in the World Bank. Initially, the thesis describes the international organization not only as an economic resource provider to its members but also as an intellectual actor. Then, it was particularly emphasized three phases that led to organizational changes - from 1970 to 1987, from 1987 to 1992, and from 1992 on -, in order to include environmental aspects into the routines of the Bank.

Twentieth century modernity has provoked multiple problems ranging from environmental degradation to human rights violations. Globally, diverse communities of people have organized to promote, not just reactive reforms, but a fundamental alteration of the foundational worldview underlying these issues. Radical activists committed their work to promoting an alternative ethos based on egalitarian, democratic, and ecologically-wise concepts. An array of methodologies emerged from these endeavors. More radical political groups focused on cultural tools to engage people in the construction of an alternative worldview. Radical activists utilized two forms of cultural politics: prefigurative politics, the physical presentation of an envisioned future and direct theory, the constant interaction between theory and practice. Within the artistic community, Ecological Artists centered their practice on cultural activism, creating publicly accessible, site-specific collaborative pieces that illuminate and utilize ecosystem principles to promote an eco-wise worldview. The concept of utilizing cultural production as a method for achieving social transformation has only recently been analyzed within the social movement discipline. Artists rarely utilize social movement vocabulary, or the term "activism" to describe their practices. To date, no correlation between artistic production and social movement strategies has been made. I argue in this thesis that Ecological Artists are cultural activists who simultaneously developed strategies and methods similar to those being worked out by radical social movement activists. While prefigurative politics and direct theory are terms defined within social movement discipline, the cultural activities are similar. Political activists' internal organization and external political work, prefigurative of an envisioned future and the result of constant interaction between theory and practice, correlates to the necessary collaborative organizations of Eco-Art and the physical presence of the work, a manifestation of the constant interaction between ecosystem theory and artistic practice. In this thesis I analyze the work of Ecological Artist Ruth Wallen as a form of cultural activism. I argue that the intention, execution, and content of her work are forms of prefigurative politics and direct theory. Ruth Wallen has been practicing Eco-Art for twenty years. Her work is focused on the heart of Eco-Art, its intention to produce an eco-wise future through artistic practice.

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