This thesis investigates federalism and civil conflict. Past work linking federalism and civil conflict has investigated the factors that pacify or aggravate conflict, but most such studies have examined the effect of decentralization on conflict onset, as opposed to the form federalism takes (such as congruent vs incongruent forms, for example). I collect data on civil conflict, the institutional characteristics of federalist states and fiscal decentralization. My theoretical expectations are that federations who treat federal subjects differently than others, most commonly in an ethnically based manner, are likely to experience greater levels of conflict incidence and more severe conflict. I find support for these expectations, suggesting more ethnically based federations are a detriment to peace preservation. I close with case studies that outline three different paths federations have taken with regards to their federal subunits.

The use of federalism as an integral component in post-conflict statebuilding processes is becoming increasingly common (e.g. Iraq, Yemen & Sri Lanka). The current academic literature, however, is divided between those that argue that federalism in such fragile environments will increase the likelihood of secession and ‘balkanisation’ and that those that argue that only federalism can provide the periphery with constitutionally protected rights against the centre. However, currently there is little empirical evidence to support either view. This research seeks to contribute to this gap by assessing whether the recent introduction of federalism in Somalia since 2013 has led to the delivery of tangible governance and peacebuilding outcomes. This thesis specifically focuses on the federalism process in Jubaland, a state which formed in 2013. Data was gathered across the region using a statistically significant perception survey and was supplemented by Key Informant Interviews. The surveys were designed to assess public opinion towards federalism and understand how its introduction was perceived to have impacted local governance and conflict dynamics. This analysis was further extended to assess the impact of federalism in other federal member states including Puntland, Galmadug and Southwest based on a review of available secondary literature. An analytical framework assessed the strength of Federal Government-Federal Member State, intra-state and inter-state relations and the extent to which a particular state had undertook tangible governance reforms. The key findings of the research indicate that the population in Jubaland is strongly supportive of federalism in principle and the manner in which it has been implemented. Federalism was seen by the majority of the population as a way of maintaining Somali unity whilst protecting local interests and meeting ocal needs. The approach of the Jubaland authorities to adopt a consociational approach to governance led to the establishment of a sustainable political settlement and the inclusion of minority groups for the first time. However, these successes have not been experienced more widely across Somalia. Other federal member states have experienced poor relations with the federal government. Internally, some states also have weak and violent relations with groups who are competing for influence and poor external relationships with other federal member states. In general, there is a low commitment to governance reform at federal-state level. These findings underpin the final conclusion that whilst federalism in Somalia has enabled improved governance and peacebuilding outcomes in Jubaland, it is the manner of how federal governance has been implemented in other federal states that explains the disparity in results across the country as a whole. More widely, this research suggests that federalism in post-conflict contexts is neither a panacea for peace and stability, or in of itself, a catalyst for inevitable fragmentation.

This thesis hinges upon the acknowledgement that Fiscal Decentralisation (FD) is an important ingredient in the current modernisation of government in numerous countries. Two basic questions are addressed. Firstly, it examines why some countries are more fiscally decentralised than others and secondly, it analyses the likely effects that such a decentralisation might have on the efficiency of the State. Two complementary approaches are followed to address the first question. Firstly, an econometric model to explain FD is estimated in Chapter I. The General Government appears to respond positively to income, population density, grants, military expenditures and trade. While urbanisation shows a negative effect, no significant impact on FD was detected in the cases of ethnic diversity and income distribution. As for decentralisation in the provision of housing and health, income has a negative effect. Also housing is negatively related to population density and positively affected by urbanisation. Secondly, the cases of USA, Canada, UK, Spain, Hungary, Poland, Argentina, Mexico and Chile are put under close examination in two basic aspects. Chapter II analyses the funding mechanisms of Sub National Governments (SNGs). Chapter III focuses on those responsibilities being held by SNGs and their historical origin. Anglo-American and Spanish traditions seem to have had a major influence in the institutional evolution of some countries and the extent of their FD. Regarding the effects of FD, Chapter IV examines a range of variables to explain Government's performance. It uses a two stages procedure that combines Data Envelopment Analysis with a set of Tobit regressions. The basic conclusion is that FD does not seem to affect macroeconomic variables, but it does have a positive and significant effect on the government's provision of health and education.

The blood supply occupies a special place within the provincial public health systems: it is something that Canadians expect to be safe, well run, and available when needed. In the 1970s and 1980s, the Canadian blood system dealt with a significant crisis: a tainted blood scandal. The federal <i>Commission of Inquiry into the Blood System in Canada</i> issued a report condemning, among other things, the governance structure of Canada's blood system. As a result, the provincial and federal governments worked to make changes to the way they funded, oversaw, and regulated the blood industry in Canada. It appears that the changes they instituted resulted in an improved blood system and improved the relationship between the governments and the blood system. Traditional models of federalism do not account for how the federal and provincial governments interacted. In their response to a crisis that affected thousands of Canadians, there were elements of collaboration, competition, and coercion. It is possible that a new "mode" of federalism is emerging as a result of these changes; it is more likely, however, that the crisis <i>forced</i> the governments to collaborate and create a national system to supply Canadian needs.

Examining Canada and Britain from 1990 to 2004, the thesis explores how the surge in minority nationalist agitation that occurred in Quebec and Scotland changed the political environment in Canada (outside Quebec) and England allowing regional elites to advance political agendas which mobilized regional and national identities. The thesis considers the role of democratic institutions at the regional level in shaping political demands through a comparative study of regional and national identity mobilization in Nova Scotia and the North East of England. The analysis contends that the relationship between minority and majority nations is dialectical; nationalism stems from fundamentally different interpretations of the state and is not the ‘fault’ of either nation. Using this claim as the basis for analyzing elite debate at the centre and in the regions, the dissertation systematically examines regionalism within the majority nation by investigating debates at the national and regional level. The work looks at parliamentary debates, campaign material, newspaper accounts and elite interviews; and as identity mobilization and political debates are targeted at the electorate, survey analysis is undertaken to see whether elite debate resonated with the masses. The thesis demonstrates that regionalism is a component of the ongoing (re)conception of nation within the majority nation, and that during periods of strong minority nationalist agitation, a political environment is created which allows elites in the majority nation to mobilize national and regional identities. Regional identity mobilization is shown to be part of the nationalism of the majority nation; as the dominant conception of the state within the majority encompasses the minority nations as co-nationals and equal citizens, regional elites are able to use the minority nations as examples of successful agitation without subscribing to their interpretations of the state. Regional levels of democracy did not alter the nature of regionalism in either state and though the demands issued may have been different, the underlying concerns were the same: a lack of voice and efficacy.

Thesis advisor: David Hollenbach / Subsidiarity is a principle in Catholic social thought that informs the distribution of authority among levels of the political and social order. First expressly articulated by Pope Pius XI in his 1931 encyclical letter Quadragesimo Anno, the roots of the concept go back further to Pope Leo XIII and to Thomistic social theory. But subsidiarity is frequently subject to the criticism that it is vague and indeterminate and thereby an ineffective guide to politics and public policy. Much of the discussion of subsidiarity proceeds as though the principle were merely one of devolution of authority to the local level. Moreover, the principle is often taken to be a procedural norm, counseling "small is better" regardless of the underlying substantive question to which one is applying the principle of subsidiarity. The thesis of this dissertation is that it is only through an adequate examination of concrete policy issues that subsidiarity's import can be fully measured and appreciated and only by asking what the common good requires in particular instances through the exercise of political prudence that the proper distribution of authority can be determined. The account of subsidiarity advanced in the dissertation is one of "functional pluralism," denoting that subsidiarity focuses upon the multiple ends of differentiated political societies and thereby seeks to determine the goods they pursue and the means that are properly adapted to those ends. The dissertation argues that federalism and localism as informed by the principle of subsidiarity provide a safeguard for fundamental concerns of Catholic social thought, such as human rights and the common good. After examining the concepts of subsidiarity in Catholic social thought and federalism in American constitutional law and considering their relation, the dissertation discusses three areas in which a richer and analytically sharper understanding of the principle of subsidiarity can make an important contribution to policy debates over the role of federalism and localism in law and public policy. The three policy questions addressed in the dissertation are physician-assisted suicide, FDA preemption, and school finance. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Theology.

Housing and disability services

Fiscal federalism is meant to benefit from both the advantages of centralization and decentralization in public revenues and expenditures, the optimal allocation of competencies between levels of governement depending on the nature of revenues, public goods or services. For historical, political or practical reasons, this optimal allocation is not always attainable. Therefore, fiscal federalism may raise new issues in efficiency or equity, in the form of spill-over effects, harmful fiscal competition or fiscal imbalance. To tend to the optimum, it is necessary to evaluate the extent of inefficiencies or inequities and to design corrective mechanisms in order to minimize them. This thesis adopts such an approach in four different situations. First, we measure empirically and dynamically the presence of fiscal competition between Belgian municipalities. The analysis reveals the existence of fiscal competition, but with a rather slow pace of adjustment of taxe rates over time. This pace depends on the mobility of tax bases and on the similarity of neighboring municipalities with respect to some socio-economic characteristics. Second, we evaluate the effects of the Belgian fiscal equalization mechanism on equity. This analysis shows the existence of a poverty trap at the level of regions and proposes a range of solutions, inspired by equalization mechanisms applied in other federal States. Third, we analyse the case of multiple States emitting multiple pollutants where a trade-off exists between producing goods and minimizing pollution. We propose a form of inter-State transfers such that all States adopt a behaviour leading to the collective optimum. To be sustainable, the collective optimum must be individually rational. We show that this condition is respected with the proposed transfer formula. Fourth, we examine the case of harmful fiscal competition between two countries differing in size, the small country being seen as a fiscal heaven. In order to reach the collective optimum, fiscal cooperation is needed. To convince the tax heaven to cooperate, a specific formula of transfers between the large and the small country is proposed, such that both countries are better off. / Le fédéralisme fiscal a pour objectif de bénéficier à la fois des avantages de la centralisation et des avantages de la décentralisation des revenus et dépenses publiques. La répartition optimale des compétences entre différents niveaux de pouvoir est déterminée par la nature des revenus, dépenses et biens et services publics. Pour des raisons historiques, politiques ou pratiques, cette répartition optimale n'est pas toujours accessible. En conséquence, les avantages du fédéralisme fiscal peuvent s'accompagner de problèmes d'efficacité ou d'équité sous la forme d'effets de débordement, de concurrence fiscale dommageable ou de déséquilibre fiscal. Pour tendre vers l'optimum, il convient dès lors d'évaluer l'ampleur des inefficacités et inéquités et de concevoir des mécanismes correctifs pour les atténuer. Cette thèse applique cette démarche à quatre situations particulières. Premièrement, nous mesurons la présence de concurrence fiscale entre les communes belges, de façon empirique et dynamique. L'analyse met en lumière l'existence d'une concurrence fiscale certaine, mais avec une vitesse d'ajustement des taux de taxation relativement faible dans le temps. Cette vitesse d'ajustement dépend de la mobilité des bases imposables et de la similitude des communes voisines en termes de caractéristiques socio-économiques. Deuxièmement, nous évaluons les effets redistributifs et incitatifs du mécanisme belge de péréquation financière. Cette analyse démontre la présence d'un effet de « piège à pauvreté » au niveau des Régions et propose une série de solutions pour y remédier, en s'inspirant de mécanismes étrangers. Troisièmement, nous analysons le cas de multiples Etats émettant de multiples polluants, dans un contexte où un arbitrage doit être effectué entre la production de biens et la minimisation de la pollution. Nous proposons une forme de transferts à appliquer entre Etats de sorte que tous les Etats sont amenés à adopter un comportement menant à l'optimum collectif. Pour être soutenable, l'optimum collectif doit être individuellement rationnel. Nous démontrons que la formule proposée respecte cette condition. Quatrièmement, nous examinons le cas d'une concurrence fiscale dommageable entre deux pays différents en taille, où le petit pays peut être considéré comme un paradis fiscal. Afin d'atteindre l'optimum collectif, une coopération fiscale est nécessaire. Afin de convaincre le paradis fiscal de coopérer, une forme spécifique de transferts entre le grand et le petit pays est proposée, de sorte que tous deux préfèrent coopérer.

<p>&nbsp / </p> <p align="left">This thesis focuses on federalism and ethnic diversity. Using two case studies, South Africa and Ethiopia, it sets to examine whether institutional designs in a form of federalism can serve as an effective instrument to respond to ethnic claims while at the same time maintaining national unity in the context of multi-ethnic societies. The issues this study investigates are <font face="Times New Roman" size="3"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">not only topical to multi-ethnic states around the world but constitute the core problems to which communities, ranging from the troubled Sudan to Nigeria and from the Western Sahara to the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), are struggling to find solutions. In this regard, the thesis may assist those multi-ethnic states that are struggling to find institutional solution to <font face="Times New Roman" size="3"><font face="Times New Roman" size="3">the ethnic conflicts that characterise their society.</font></font></font></font></p>

The blood supply occupies a special place within the provincial public health systems: it is something that Canadians expect to be safe, well run, and available when needed. In the 1970s and 1980s, the Canadian blood system dealt with a significant crisis: a tainted blood scandal. The federal <i>Commission of Inquiry into the Blood System in Canada</i> issued a report condemning, among other things, the governance structure of Canada's blood system. As a result, the provincial and federal governments worked to make changes to the way they funded, oversaw, and regulated the blood industry in Canada. It appears that the changes they instituted resulted in an improved blood system and improved the relationship between the governments and the blood system. Traditional models of federalism do not account for how the federal and provincial governments interacted. In their response to a crisis that affected thousands of Canadians, there were elements of collaboration, competition, and coercion. It is possible that a new "mode" of federalism is emerging as a result of these changes; it is more likely, however, that the crisis <i>forced</i> the governments to collaborate and create a national system to supply Canadian needs.