Trots att kvinnlig representation inom specialidrottsförbunden ökat de senaste åren råder det oklarheter om idrotten är mer jämställd. Lika representation är nämligen inte synonymt med jämställdhet, eftersom kultur och historia påverkar vem som bestämmer över agendan. Studiens syfte blev därför att undersöka hur genusnormer påverkar och tillämpas inom idrottsförbund, samt studera om det finns en genusdimension i hur makt fördelas i förbundsstyrelsers arbete. Det genomfördes åtta semistrukturerade intervjuer inom fyra förbund i två olika idrotter. Deltagarna var både män och kvinnor med olika befattningar inom förbunden. Det som kunde urskiljas ur resultatet var diskrepansen mellan de manliga och kvinnliga deltagarnas åsikter, samt skillnaden i jämställdhet mellan idrottens olika nivåer. Slutsatsen för studien är att det på nationell nivå finns en tydlig jämställdhet där kön och genusnormer inte påverkar beslutsprocessen. Därutöver kan det även fastslås att den bristande jämställdheten främst utövas på föreningsnivå. / Even though female representation within Swedish sports associations has increased in recent years, there is uncertainty as to whether sport is more equal. Equal representation is not synonymous with equality, because of the effect culture and history have on who decides the agenda. The purpose of the study was determined to examine how gender norms affect and are applied within sports associations, as well as to study whether there is a gender dimension in how power is distributed in the work of association boards. Eight semi-structured interviews were conducted within four associations in two different sports. The participants were both men and women with different positions within the unions. What could be seen from the results was the discrepancy between the opinions of the male and female participants, as well as the difference in equality between the different levels of the sport. The conclusion of the study is that at the national level there is equality where gender and gender norms do not influence the decision-making process. It can also be stated that the lack of gender equality is mainly practiced at association level.

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No / The Russo-Chechen conflict has been the bloodiest war in Europe since the Second World War. It continues to drag on, despite the fact that it hits the headlines only when there is some 'terrorist spectacular'. Providing a comprehensive overview of the war and the issues connected with it, the author examines the origins of the conflict historically and traces how both sides were dragged inexorably into war in the early 1990s. The book discusses the two wars (1994-96 and 1999 to date), the intervening truce and shows how a downward spiral of violence has led to a mutually-damaging impasse from which neither side has been able to remove itself. It applies theories of conflict, especially theories of terrorism and counter-terrorism and concludes by proposing some alternative resolutions that might lead to a just and lasting peace in the region.

The purpose of this study is to point out the accomplishments and various benefits gained through teacher cooperation, with special emphasis placed upon the American Federation of Teachers and the National Education Association.

This research paper provides a comparative analysis between the current Military Doctrines ofthe Russian Federation and the Brezhnev Doctrine from the Cold War era. By examining thesetwo historical and geopolitical contexts, the study aims to shed light on the theoretical continuityor discontinuity in Russia’s military strategy and its relationship to global geopolitics. Throughidentifying and analyzing similarities and differences between these doctrines, the papercontributes to a deeper understanding of Russian foreign policy continuity and change over time,as well as its ongoing efforts to secure national interests and territorial integrity. The studyutilizes a qualitative text analysis approach to explore how Soviet and Russian foreign policy hasbeen shaped by various factors such as national interests, security challenges, and ideologicalconsiderations. By applying the theoretical perspectives of realism and constructivism, theresearch delves into the complexities of Russia’s military strategy and its significance in today’sgeopolitical landscape.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / The collapse of communism and the fall of the Soviet Union offered an unprecedented opportunity for the international community to support transitions to democracy in a region that had long known only totalitarian rule. Among the key players engaged in supporting efforts were U.S. grantmaking institutions, including both non-state and quasi-state aid providers. This thesis explores the motivations and evolving strategies of three different types of grantmaking institutions in a single country, Russia, with a particular focus on democracy aid provision from 1988-2002. The three types of grantmaking organizations examined through case studies include: the Ford Foundation, a private foundation with a history of international grantmaking spanning several decades; the Charles Stewart Mott Foundation, a private foundation known primarily for its domestic focus with a much shorter history of international grantmaking; and, finally, the National Endowment for Democracy, a U.S. government-created and heavily taxpayer-funded organization established as a private nonprofit organization to make grants specifically for democracy promotion. Motivating factors for initiating or expanding grantmaking in Russia in the late 1980s included a previous history of grantmaking in the region, a previously established institutional commitment to democracy promotion, international peace and security concerns, and interest from a top institutional leader. Over the course of the fourteen year period studied, five grantmaking features are identified as influencing the development of grantmaking strategies: professional grantmaking staff; organizational habit; global political, social, and economic environments; market and other funding source influences; and physical presence. Though subject to constraints, the non-state and quasi-state grantmaking institutions included in this study were able to avoid weaknesses identified with private philanthropy in other research and demonstrated a willingness to experiment and take risks, an ability to operate at the non-governmental level, and a commitment to long-term grantmaking, informed by expertise.

The identity of Russian Evangelical Churches theology is considered in this thesis. This identity arose as result of interactions of Western Evangelical movements with the Orthodox Church, and with native pre-Protestant groups. The separate area of theology chosen as the subject of research is ecclesiology. The historical background of the appearance of inner-orthodox movements is shown in this work in order to understand the theological peculiarities. Peculiarities of the orthodox and extra-orthodox mentality also are considered, as they become an important environment for the appearance and development of Evangelical theology in Russia. The last part of this work shows peculiarities of recent Evangelical ecclesiology. / Systematic Theology and Theological Ethics / M.Th. (Systematic Theology)

This paper examines the role that military has played in the political development of the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the modern Russian Federation. By utilizing the theoretical tenets of Eric Nordlinger, this paper endeavors to update and hopefully revise his classic work in civil-military relations, Soldiers in Politics. Chapter one of this paper introduces many of the main theoretical concepts utilized in this analysis. Chapter two considers the Stalinist totalitarian penetration model that set the standard for communist governments around the world. Chapter three follows up by addressing the middle years of Khrushchev and Brezhnev. Both reformed the military in its relation to the party and state and made the armed forces a more corporate and professional institution. Chapter four pinpoints the drastic changes in both the state and armed forces during Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnost. The military briefly ventured to a point it never gone before by launching a short coup against the last Soviet president. Chapter five focuses on the last ten years in the Russian Federation. While still a professional organization typical of the liberal model of civil-military relations, the armed forces face great uncertainty, as economic and social problems demand more of their time and resources. Chapter six concludes by speculating on the future of Russian civilmilitary relations and reconsiders the importance of Nordlinger's elegant yet parsimonious work.