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[pt] A presente Dissertação tem por objetivo realizar uma leitura da poesia de Cesário Verde, observando os seus pontos surrealizantes e a influência que exerceu sobre a de Alexandre ONEILL. Por este motivo, abrangerá um período histórico compreendido entre a segunda metade do século XIX e a segunda metade do século XX. Os pontos de encontro entre a poesia de Cesário Verde, o surrealismo e a poesia de Alexandre ONEILL são muitos. O trabalho propõe-se a considerar aqueles pontos de maior relevo, como, por exemplo, os que se apresentam como uma espécie de resistência à opressão manifestada no espaço urbano. / [en] The aim of the present dissertation is to analize Cesário Verdes poetry, focusing its surrealizing points and its influence upon Alexandre ONEILLs poetry. For this reason, the present work comprehends the historical period between the second half of the XIX century and the second half of the XX century. There are many commun points among Cesário Verdes poetry, the surrealism and Alexandre ONEILLs poetry. The present work considers only those points that are more relevant, such as the ones which present kind of resistance to the opression that takes place in the urban area.

A dissertação busca demonstrar como o final do século XVIII português foi marcado por tentativas de estabelecimento de programas de reformas pautadas em estratégias reformistas, no sentido de salvar Portugal da difícil situação social, política econômica em que o mesmo se encontrava. Nesse sentido, destaca a administração de D. Rodrigo de Souza Coutinho, ministro da marinha e do ultramar e teórico da Ilustração luso-brasileira, que teve como proposta manter e explorar a América portuguesa, baseado no mercantilismo ilustrado. A dissertação destaca, ainda, o papel da Academia Real das Ciências de Lisboa, reduto da intelectualidade luso-brasileira, cujo auxílio permitiu que fosse colocada em prática uma exploração renovada e útil das riquezas do Brasil, calcada no ideal de reforma das Luzes. / The temporal marks of this dissertation concern the last decades of the eighteenth century in Portugal. Its object is to give evidence of the attempts for establishing reform programs based on reforming strategies, in order to free Portugal from some social, political and economical difficulties. This, the dissertation focuses on Dom Rodrigo de Souza Coutinhos administration as a navy and overseas minister, and also a member of Portuguese-Brazilian Illustration, Which intended to keep and explore Portuguese America in accordance with illustrated mercantilism. Besides, the dissertation points out the function of the Royal Academy of Sciences of Lisbon, the house of Lusitanian and Brazilian intellectuality, which helped to put in practice a kind of renewed and profitable exploration of Brazilian natural sources, based on Illustration reform principles.

A dissertação busca demonstrar como o final do século XVIII português foi marcado por tentativas de estabelecimento de programas de reformas pautadas em estratégias reformistas, no sentido de salvar Portugal da difícil situação social, política econômica em que o mesmo se encontrava. Nesse sentido, destaca a administração de D. Rodrigo de Souza Coutinho, ministro da marinha e do ultramar e teórico da Ilustração luso-brasileira, que teve como proposta manter e explorar a América portuguesa, baseado no mercantilismo ilustrado. A dissertação destaca, ainda, o papel da Academia Real das Ciências de Lisboa, reduto da intelectualidade luso-brasileira, cujo auxílio permitiu que fosse colocada em prática uma exploração renovada e útil das riquezas do Brasil, calcada no ideal de reforma das Luzes. / The temporal marks of this dissertation concern the last decades of the eighteenth century in Portugal. Its object is to give evidence of the attempts for establishing reform programs based on reforming strategies, in order to free Portugal from some social, political and economical difficulties. This, the dissertation focuses on Dom Rodrigo de Souza Coutinhos administration as a navy and overseas minister, and also a member of Portuguese-Brazilian Illustration, Which intended to keep and explore Portuguese America in accordance with illustrated mercantilism. Besides, the dissertation points out the function of the Royal Academy of Sciences of Lisbon, the house of Lusitanian and Brazilian intellectuality, which helped to put in practice a kind of renewed and profitable exploration of Brazilian natural sources, based on Illustration reform principles.

Dissertation in political science, C-level by Niklas Andersson, Spring Semester 2009. Tutor: Arne Larsson “The Treaty of Lisbon – The Defence against Globalization?” In the modern world globalization have undermined the nation-state and left it without the right measurements to adequately deal with the social and economic unrest that follows in its way. The states, built on contract theories, have an obligation to protect its citizens from the state of nature which seems to have failed as globalization has changed the rules. The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the contract theories of Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau and John Rawls to identify the elements of a state and create a modern and ideal contract theory. The treaty shall then be used on the Treaty of Lisbon as it can be seen as a contract between the European states to create an entity in the shape of the European Union with the power to defend Europe from the unrest created by globalization. My question for this was as follows: Is the new treaty for the European Union acceptable as a new social contract according to the social contract theories? During my research the following criteria’s for a social contract was found: 1. A legislative branch 2. An executive branch 3. A judicial branch 4. The Right to taxation 5. A centralized educational system 6. The right to property 7. Equalizing redistribution system 8. The right to leave the contract. The first four is essential in creating a state and are the primary criteria’s for its existence while the other four is determining the character of the state that is created and are therefore not essential in the creation of the state and are consequently secondary criteria’s in a states creation. The answer to the question is no, as the Treaty of Lisbon first of all don’t give the Union the right of taxation on its citizens and secondly, the Union are not given the mandate to act for an educational or an equalizing redistributive system. Without these criteria’s the EU don’t have the possibility to quickly act on its own to deal with urgent problems that rises from the negative aspects of globalization. / Statsvetenskaplig uppsats, C-nivå av Niklas Andersson, Vårterminen 2009. Handledare: Arne Larsson "Lissabonfördraget - Försvaret mot Globaliseringen?" I den moderna världen har globaliseringen underminerat nationalstaten och lämnat dem utan verktyg för att kunna ta hand om den sociala och ekonomiska oron som följer i dess väg på ett adekvat sätt. Staterna, byggda på kontraktsteorierna har en ansvar för att skydda sina medborgare från naturtillståndet, men som nu har misslyckats i och med att globaliseringen ändrat spelreglerna. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka kontraktsteorierna av Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau och John Rawls för att identifiera beståndsdelarna för en stat och utifrån det skapa en modern idealbild av kontraktsteorin. Kontraktet ska sedan jämföras med Lissabonfördraget då de i viss mån kan ses som ett kontrakt mellan Europas stater för att skapa en enhet utifrån den Europeiska Unionen med makten att skydda Europa mot oron skapad av globaliseringen. Min fråga var följande: Är det nya fördraget för den Europeiska Unioen acceptabel som ett nytt socialt ontrat enligt de gamla kontraktseorierna? Under mon undersökning kom jag fram till följande kriterier för ett socialt kontrakt: 1. En lagstiftande instans 2. En verkställande instans 3. En lagstiftande instans 4. Rätten att beskatta 5. Ett centraliserat utbildningssystem 6. Rätten till ägande 7. Utjämnadne omfördelningssystem 8. Rätten att lämna kontraktet. De första fyra är essentiella i skapandet av en stat och de primära kriterierna för dess existens medan de övriga fyra bestämmer karaktäen på staten som skapats och är ärmed inte avgörande och är därmed sekundära kriterier. Svaret till frågan är nej, eftersom Lissabonfördraget först av allt inte ger Unionen möjligheterna till beskattning och för det andra , Unionen har inte fått madatet till att agera för ett utbildningssystem eller omfördelande ujämningssytem. Utan dessa kriterier har inte EU möjligheten att snabbt agera av egen kraft för att ta hand om brådskande problem som uppståt från globaliseringens negativa sidor.

This essay focus on the European Union and its democracy both from a national perspec­tive and from an international perspective. Furthermore, the essay center on the con­cept of democratic deficit, this in order to study the European Union´s status regarding the democratic legitimacy. This study intends to nuance the problems that previous research and previous researchers have de­fined as democratic deficits in the European Union and ends up in conducting a textual anal­ysis of the latest European Union treaty, the Lisbon Treaty. The aim is that by using previous research on the democratic deficit in the European Union examine whether the Lisbon Treaty has enhanced the EU's position regarding democratic legitimacy. In other words, my study aims to identify what the deficit is and if it exists. The results show that the Lisbon Treaty has been trying to improve the democratic legitimacy and that some practical adjustments have been made, but it also show that there is much that still can be improved before citizens have full democratic rights.

Combining insights from critical discourse analysis (CDA) and neo-Gramscian IPE theory, this paper puts forth a cultural political economy (CPE) perspective to analyse the discursive articulation of ‘European subjects’ in the context of the EU’s Lisbon Agenda modernisation strategy. It is suggested here that the transformation proposed in Lisbon to the new economic imaginary of the knowledge based economy (KBE), depends on ‘new subjects’ and thus new discursive constructions of identities to reflect the new economic and social formations it envisions. The citizenship discourses of two of the Lisbon Agenda’s main supporters, specifically European business lobbies (represented by the ERT and LCEC) and the EU Commission, are examined in order to explore the relationship between citizenship rights and responsibilities and the two main goals of the Agenda, namely economic competitiveness/growth and social inclusion/social welfare protection modernisation. The argument is made that the discursive articulation of a ‘neoliberal communitarian’ variant of citizenship, especially evident in the discourses of the EU’s business lobbies and the EU Commission since the ‘shift’ to jobs and growth in early 2005, represents an attempt to further the commodification of the EU polity, and as a result, subordinate the more social goals of the Lisbon Agenda to the perceived imperatives of economic growth and competition. The Lisbon Agenda does not therefore mark a dramatic ‘turning point’ in favour of a more ‘social Europe’ as was speculated early on, but instead works to consolidate the dominance of ‘embedded neoliberalism’ as the socio-economic governance model for the EU. The paper ends with a discussion of the possible counter-hegemonic movements challenging the orthodoxy of embedded neoliberalism and neoliberal communitarian conceptions of citizenship.

The aim of the thesis is to assess the economy of Spain and its position in the European Union. The European integration processes significantly influenced the development of democracy in Spain as a member state of EU. The period after Franco regime would last undoubtedly much longer and it would grow less dynamically without these processes. The influence of EU affected not only the Spanish economy, but also the current position of Spanish monarchy in Europe and in the whole world. The thesis is structured in three main parts. To be able to assess the Spanish economy during its membership in the EU, it is essential to study the procedures of negotiations between the candidate country and the Community. That is the reason why the first part is engaged in the pre-entry phase. The second part examines in detail the development of the economy after the reintroduction of democracy in the country. It deals mainly with the macroeconomic tendencies, their causes together with consequences. The progress concerns the economic situation in Spain before the entry to the Community, in the second half of eighties, as well as during the nineties. The thesis does not forget to be engaged in the current situation in the new millennium and it also outlines the possible development in the following years. The last part is devoted to the position and the influence of Spain on the main integration directions in the European Union. The coherence and the extent of evaluation can be considered one of the benefits of this work. The thesis introduces the complex view of the Spanish economy since the entry to the EU. It also deals with possible following tendencies. The understanding of the development is facilitated by a large number of graphs and tables, which help to outline the essence of the topic.

Thesis is focused on regional policy of the European Union (known as cohesion policy). The goal of the regional policy is to reduce regional disparities among the member countries of the European Union. Therefore, regional policy has an important role among other policies of the European Union. In the period from 2007 to 2013, regional spending account for 36% of the EU budget. The recent enlargement to 27 Member States has dramatically increased disparity levels across the EU. The new Member States have lower levels of income per head and employment rates than other EU countries. This thesis is divided into two parts. The first part characterizes development of the regional policy, its principles and financial instruments. The second part describes enlargement of the European Union to 27 member states, its impacts, reform of the regional policy and the time period from 2007 to 2013. Different views on impacts of the regional policy together with short case study are added. The goal of this thesis is to evaluate the convergence process among the old and new Member states.

There is a constant trend in the European Union for heightened pride, desire of extended autonomy and even national independence of regions. The master thesis intends to investigate the relations of selected regions in the EU member states with the European policy level. The general research question to answer is "Which regions are more successful in representing their interests vis-à-vis the European policy level?" The investigation is undertaken in a form of a comparative case study combining qualitative and quantitative research; the examined regions are - following the research hypotheses and intention to provide a multi-perspective analysis of the problem - Scotland (United Kingdom), Hessen (Germany), Trentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol (Italy) and Středočeský kraj (Czech Republic). Based on the comparative analysis the thesis concludes that "regions with wide scope of powers on the national level (usually coming from federal or regionalized member states) with strong economic background are generally more successful in representing their interests vis-à-vis the European policy level."