This thesis employs discourse analysis to examine the human rights contradictions contained in the Common European Asylum System (CEAS). It follows the development of the CEAS since its inception in 1999. However, the principal emphasis of the thesis falls on the scope for realising a rights-based asylum regime in the post-Lisbon context. The research takes the form of policy analysis, and is grounded in a human rights framework of inquiry. This human rights perspective is used to examine the normative and legal inconsistencies inherent to the EU’s securitised approach to asylum, and to put forward suggestions for an approach to asylum in the EU, which engenders a rights-based approach to protection. The analysis of contemporary EU asylum policy and practice demonstrates the extent to which securitisation is present in EU asylum policymaking. It shows that, until the security paradigm in this policy area is supplanted, the realisation of a rights-based asylum system in the EU will not be possible. It also addresses the further challenges to the realisation of the EU as a ‘single asylum space,’ which stem from the limitations in the current instruments of the acquis, most notably the absence of burden-sharing mechanisms to ensure that the EU’s humanitarian obligations are shared equally amongst Member States. The recent ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon holds significant potential for the development of a rights-based asylum regime in the EU. However, it remains in question whether Member States have the political will necessary to accomplish this.

This thesis is devoted to the Treaty of Lisbon. Within the theoretical part, the Treaty of Lisbon is presented together with the circumstances of the admission. It also analyzes its application to the current migration crisis and on the basis of which recommends an ex-post recovery.

This diploma thesis seeks to summarize the institutional development taken by the European Union so far (with a particular view to the changes brought about by the Treaty of Lisbon), and, based on this, to provide an assessment of the direction into which the European Union is headed at the beginning of this decade. Within this context, my thesis attempts to outline the various alternative scenarios for the future development of the EU's institutional framework; the likely candidates, to put it simply, are, on the one hand, even deeper integration in the form of a fiscal and political union, or, conversely, the abandonment of the idea of closer cooperation. Since the beginnings of the 1950s, the European Communities and, later, the European Union have been developing towards ever-increasing integration. Even today, one observes obvious tendencies towards intensifying this integration. However, this does not allow for the unambiguous conclusion that the European Union must result in the creation of a fiscal and political union. It is perfectly conceivable that the elected political representatives of individual member states may assume the opposite view, and that tendencies will prevail within the European Union towards a more informal collaboration among separate countries. The present work also attempts a comparison of the views held by politicians, political scientists, analysts, and intellectuals. One finds that even these authors do not arrive at clear-cut conclusions, nor should one expect them to be able to make such conclusions. This thesis draws attention to a number of contradictory aspects - chiefly among them the violation of the Maastricht criteria, and the obvious breach of Article 125 of the Treaty of Lisbon, which prohibits mutual financial assistance.

This study aims to examine the EU’s normative power through the Common Commercial Policy (CCP) before and after the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force. The study is a comparative study and was carried out through a document study of official documents and treaties. To pursue the aim the following questions were asked: What are the differences and similarities within the EU's common trade policy before and after the introduction of the Treaty of Lisbon and does the Treaty of Lisbon increased the normative ambition of the EU?   In this study Ian Manners theory Normative Power Europe has been categorized into direct normative actions and indirect normative actions. The empirical material is based on literature, primary document, Official Journal of the European Union and EU: s webpage.   The conclusions of this study show that the Treaty of Lisbon has changed the constitutional basis for the common commercial policy in several ways. The CCP has more room after the Treaty of Lisbon to develop and take on direct normative actions. The major difference is that the CCP now endorse all the Union’s objectives, principles and values which give the CCP more opportunities to set normative requirements and gain normative power.

This thesis analyses Treaty of Lisbon in order to reveal federalist principles contained in this new reformative treaty. This will enable to infer the impact on the sovereignty of the EU member states in case the Treaty of Lisbon would be ratified.

This work deals with communication of the Treaty of Lisbon to the Czech public before its ratification. Its aim is on the basis of the theoretical background of marketing communications and promotion to analyse the communication strategy used to inform the Czech public about the Treaty of Lisbon and to provide a proposal for its improvement. Findings made on the basis of this particular case may serve as a guide for improving communication of other European affairs and for finding ways to achieve increased awareness of the Czech public on European issues.

<p>The aim of this paper is to explain how the European Union’s common strategy for theCommon Foreign- and Security Policy (CFSP) will change with the implementation of the Treaty of Lisbon. A comparative case study and qualitative method is used. On the basis of Smith’s theory of institutionalization we will analyze two member states: France and Denmark. Our aim is to see which standpoints these countries have taken concerning the CFSP. We have chosen, in order to analyse the inner and outer factors, to use the liberal intergovernmental “two level game” theory as a theoretical approach. The purpose of the CFSP is to gradually increase the sovereign states’ foreign policy cooperation. The aim of the CFSP is to become an international visible and active player that represents the people of the European Union. At the moment the CFSP is an intergovernmental part of the EU, however there are presentiments that this will change and that CFSP will achieve supranationality. In conclusion, the results of the case study shows that Denmark is aiming for the CFSP cooperation to remain on an intergovernmental platform. France is aiming toward supranationality and a stronger cooperation within the CFSP. In time, with the full implementation of the CFSP, the EU will be able to compete on a global platform.</p>

<p><strong> </strong></p><p>Dissertation in political science, C-level by Niklas Andersson, Spring Semester 2009. Tutor: Arne Larsson</p><p>“The Treaty of Lisbon – The Defence against Globalization?”</p><p>In the modern world globalization have undermined the nation-state and left it without the right measurements to adequately deal with the social and economic unrest that follows in its way. The states, built on contract theories, have an obligation to protect its citizens from the state of nature which seems to have failed as globalization has changed the rules.</p><p>The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the contract theories of Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau and John Rawls to identify the elements of a state and create a modern and ideal contract theory. The treaty shall then be used on the Treaty of Lisbon as it can be seen as a contract between the European states to create an entity in the shape of the European Union with the power to defend Europe from the unrest created by globalization.</p><p>My question for this was as follows:</p><p>Is the new treaty for the European Union acceptable as a new social contract according to the social contract theories?</p><p>During my research the following criteria’s for a social contract was found:</p><p>1. A legislative branch 2. An executive branch 3. A judicial branch 4. The Right to taxation</p><p>5. A centralized educational system 6. The right to property 7. Equalizing redistribution system 8. The right to leave the contract.</p><p>The first four is essential in creating a state and are the primary criteria’s for its existence while the other four is determining the character of the state that is created and are therefore not essential in the creation of the state and are consequently secondary criteria’s in a states creation.</p><p>The answer to the question is no, as the Treaty of Lisbon first of all don’t give the Union the right of taxation on its citizens and secondly, the Union are not given the mandate to act for an educational or an equalizing redistributive system. Without these criteria’s the EU don’t have the possibility to quickly act on its own to deal with urgent problems that rises from the negative aspects of globalization.</p> / <p>Statsvetenskaplig uppsats, C-nivå av Niklas Andersson, Vårterminen 2009. Handledare: Arne Larsson</p><p>"Lissabonfördraget - Försvaret mot Globaliseringen?"</p><p>I den moderna världen har globaliseringen underminerat nationalstaten och lämnat dem utan verktyg för att kunna ta hand om den sociala och ekonomiska oron som följer i dess väg på ett adekvat sätt. Staterna, byggda på kontraktsteorierna har en ansvar för att skydda sina medborgare från naturtillståndet, men som nu har misslyckats i och med att globaliseringen ändrat spelreglerna.</p><p>Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka kontraktsteorierna av Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau och John Rawls för att identifiera beståndsdelarna för en stat och utifrån det skapa en modern idealbild av kontraktsteorin. Kontraktet ska sedan jämföras med Lissabonfördraget då de i viss mån kan ses som ett kontrakt mellan Europas stater för att skapa en enhet utifrån den Europeiska Unionen med makten att skydda Europa mot oron skapad av globaliseringen.</p><p>Min fråga var följande:</p><p>Är det nya fördraget för den Europeiska Unioen acceptabel som ett nytt socialt ontrat enligt de gamla kontraktseorierna?</p><p>Under mon undersökning kom jag fram till följande kriterier för ett socialt kontrakt:</p><p>1. En lagstiftande instans 2. En verkställande instans 3. En lagstiftande instans 4. Rätten att beskatta</p><p>5. Ett centraliserat utbildningssystem 6. Rätten till ägande 7. Utjämnadne omfördelningssystem 8. Rätten att lämna kontraktet.</p><p>De första fyra är essentiella i skapandet av en stat och de primära kriterierna för dess existens medan de övriga fyra bestämmer karaktäen på staten som skapats och är ärmed inte avgörande och är därmed sekundära kriterier.</p><p>Svaret till frågan är nej, eftersom Lissabonfördraget först av allt inte ger Unionen möjligheterna till beskattning och för det andra , Unionen har inte fått madatet till att agera för ett utbildningssystem eller omfördelande ujämningssytem. Utan dessa kriterier har inte EU möjligheten att snabbt agera av egen kraft för att ta hand om brådskande problem som uppståt från globaliseringens negativa sidor.</p>

The aim of this paper is to explain how the European Union’s common strategy for theCommon Foreign- and Security Policy (CFSP) will change with the implementation of the Treaty of Lisbon. A comparative case study and qualitative method is used. On the basis of Smith’s theory of institutionalization we will analyze two member states: France and Denmark. Our aim is to see which standpoints these countries have taken concerning the CFSP. We have chosen, in order to analyse the inner and outer factors, to use the liberal intergovernmental “two level game” theory as a theoretical approach. The purpose of the CFSP is to gradually increase the sovereign states’ foreign policy cooperation. The aim of the CFSP is to become an international visible and active player that represents the people of the European Union. At the moment the CFSP is an intergovernmental part of the EU, however there are presentiments that this will change and that CFSP will achieve supranationality. In conclusion, the results of the case study shows that Denmark is aiming for the CFSP cooperation to remain on an intergovernmental platform. France is aiming toward supranationality and a stronger cooperation within the CFSP. In time, with the full implementation of the CFSP, the EU will be able to compete on a global platform.

La thèse a pour objet de démontrer l'émergence du principe de nécessité dans l'action normative au niveau de l'Union européenne. Après une partie concernant la notion générale de nécessité et le rôle des principes dans l'ordre juridique de l'Union, le cadre juridique des traités est examiné à l'aune du principe de nécessité. L'analyse est faite sur base des dispositions pertinentes des traités ainsi que des actes législatifs adoptés par le législateur de l'Union et des critères qui ressortent de la jurisprudence de la Cour de justice en matière pénale. Une distinction est opéré entre (1) les dispositions concernant la coopération judiciaire en matière pénale et la procédure pénale (article 82 TFUE), (2) le droit pénal autonome (article 83, paragraphe 1, TFUE), et (3) le droit pénal accessoire (article 83, paragraphe 2, TFUE) de l'Union. Des documents concernant les prises de position de certaines institutions de l'Union sont également examinés. À l'issue de l'analyse, l'on conclut à l'émergence d'un principe de nécessité, à la lumière aussi de l'évolution de la pratique législative. / This thesis has as its purpose to demonstrate the appearance of the principle of necessity in the legislative action of the European Union in the field of criminal law. After a first part which concerns the general notion of necessity and the role of principles in the Union's legal order, the legal context of the EU Treaties is examined in the light of the principle of necessity. The analysis is made on the basis of the relevant provisions of the Treaties as well as on the basis of the legislative acts adopted by the Union's legislature and takes into account the criteria coming from the case law of the Court of Justice in criminal law related matters. A distinction is made between (i) the provisions concerning judicial cooperation in criminal matters and criminal proceedings (Article 82 TFEU), (ii) autonomous criminal law (Article 83(1) TFEU), and (iii) ancillary criminal law (Article 83(2) TFEU) of the European Union. A number of documents concerning the positions taken by some Institutions of the European Union are also analysed. In the final analysis, it is concluded that the principle of necessity appears in the Union's criminal law, also in the light of the evolution of the legislative work.