<p>The social dimension in the EU, explored through the document texts of the Treaty of Rome, the Lisbon Strategy, the Social Policy Agenda and the Swedish Strategy Report</p><p>This paper explores the social dimension of EU social policy, except the aspects of the economic and labour market. The EU documents reveal an underlying line of thought stemming from the alignment of the six founding countries, spearheaded by France, with the conservative corporatist welfare model. As one of four European welfare models, the conservative corporatist model emphasises labour market issues, corporate social responsibility and the subsidiarity principle in EU social policy. It also influences how the texts define the terms social, social policy and social exclusion. The definitions determine how policymakers combat problems such as social exclusion and identify the policy issues to be included in EU social policy.</p><p>The Swedish Strategy shows how the country is responding to the objectives that it has been assigned by the EU and how it plans to attain them. Other key issues include how Sweden defines and plans to address the problem of social exclusion domestically.</p><p>The Lisbon Strategy and the Social Policy Agenda of the EU underline the importance of civil trust. Accordingly, I have included Bo Rothstein's theory of social trust, which demonstrates that open dialogue with citizens and written declarations of cooperation in the EU are not enough. Actions that instil trust and impartial universal institutions are also required for the European project to work. Thus, civil trust in the EU requires the existence of such institutions.</p><p> </p>

The social dimension in the EU, explored through the document texts of the Treaty of Rome, the Lisbon Strategy, the Social Policy Agenda and the Swedish Strategy Report This paper explores the social dimension of EU social policy, except the aspects of the economic and labour market. The EU documents reveal an underlying line of thought stemming from the alignment of the six founding countries, spearheaded by France, with the conservative corporatist welfare model. As one of four European welfare models, the conservative corporatist model emphasises labour market issues, corporate social responsibility and the subsidiarity principle in EU social policy. It also influences how the texts define the terms social, social policy and social exclusion. The definitions determine how policymakers combat problems such as social exclusion and identify the policy issues to be included in EU social policy. The Swedish Strategy shows how the country is responding to the objectives that it has been assigned by the EU and how it plans to attain them. Other key issues include how Sweden defines and plans to address the problem of social exclusion domestically. The Lisbon Strategy and the Social Policy Agenda of the EU underline the importance of civil trust. Accordingly, I have included Bo Rothstein's theory of social trust, which demonstrates that open dialogue with citizens and written declarations of cooperation in the EU are not enough. Actions that instil trust and impartial universal institutions are also required for the European project to work. Thus, civil trust in the EU requires the existence of such institutions.

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L’obiettivo di questa tesi è di valutare che tipo di modello per la gestione delle crisi l’Unione Europea (UE) ha elaborato attraverso l’adozione e l’attuazione del Trattato di Lisbona, ma anche di capire che impatto ha prodotto la sua interazione con lo scenario internazionale di sicurezza. L’analisi è condotta a tre livelli: (1) strategico – elaborazione o revisione di concetti, politiche e documenti quadro; (2) istituzionale – creazione e riorganizzazione delle strutture di riferimento e dei processi decisionali; (3) operativo – pianificazione e gestione delle missioni civili e militari sul terreno. Lo scopo finale è quello di verificare se l’approccio dell’UE alla gestione delle crisi può considerarsi efficace per affrontare i possibili scenari futuri e come possa essere migliorato sulla base delle esperienze più recenti. / The objective of this thesis is to assess what kind of crisis management model the European Union (EU) has elaborated through the adoption and implementation of the Treaty of Lisbon and what is the impact produced by its interaction with the international security context. The analysis is conducted at three different levels: (1) strategic – elaboration or review of concepts, policies and framework documents; (2) institutional – establishment or reorganization of structures and decision-making process; (3) operational – planning and conduct of civilian and military missions on the ground. The final aim is to evaluate whether the EU’s approach to crisis management will be able to face up possible future scenarios and how this model might be improved on the basis of most recent experiences.

L'objet de la présente thèse est d'analyser l'incidence des politiques menées dans le cadre des systèmes d'éducation et de formation grec et italien afin de se conformer aux exigences de la stratégie de Lisbonne 2000. Le niveau d'influence de la politique de l'UE sur les structures des deux pays et ses effets sur les réformes nationales sont liés à la relation, entre structures nationales et internationales en ce qui concerne les politiques d'éducation et de formation. Les réformes ne sont pas nécessairement le résultat de la politique de l'Union européenne ; elles peuvent également être le résultat de la voie nationale suivie et intervenir indépendamment des politiques européennes. Cela permet de se demander si le changement de la politique nationale est lié aux directives internationales ou s'il est le résultat indépendant de l'évolution de l'État. / The present thesis attempts a policy impact analysis through the Greek and Italian education and training policies undertaken to respond to the Lisbon's Strategy 2000 requirements. The level of influence of the EU policy within the domestic structure of both countries and its dynamic on national reforms is related to the relationship, - level of influence-, between national and international structure as concerns the educational and training policies. Reforms are not necessarily results of the European's Community policy, but they can be results of the national pathway and they would have taken place in any case. The above hypothesis leads to the query if national policy change is linked to the international directives or it is the independent result of the State's development.

Diploma thesis concerns about legal regulations of real estate by new civil codex with reflection to the previous and international legal regulation.The aim of the thesis is to assess the functionality of new civil code and its benefits in the real estate investment transactions in Czech Republic. This analysis is supported with overview of transfrontier real estate acquisitions made by foreign investors in Czech Republic and additionally also real estate investments of Czech investors abroad. This thesis therefore tries to provide answers to multiple questions ranging from analysis of new civil codex regulation, its impacts, risks and functionality then secondly its similarities in comparison to foreign law regulation (of Germany, Austria, Great Britain, Italy and France). From the perspective of transfrontier real estate acquisitions this thesis concerns about law acknowledgement for foreigner parties in real estate transactions in Czech Republic and counterbalance of the similar rights on the side of Czech residents in reciprocal acquisition process. The analysis is supported by the debate of accuracy of either liberal or protectionist attitude to foreign real estate investors' regulation with a reflection to current international political, sociological and economical course of events.

The thesis deals with the topic of the Information Policy of the European Union. It is focused on the development, principles and strategic plans from the beginning of the 21st century to the present. The aim of the thesis is to characterize and evaluate the past and current information programs of the European Union. The thesis describes the Lisbon Strategy which was the first major document that defined the direction of the European Union. The next part of the text deals with the eEurope 2002 and eEurope 2005 and the related i2010. The main attention is paid to the current program of Europe 2020. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

<p>The two Eastern enlargements in 2004 and 2007 marked a new chapter in the EU’s history, since it was the first time that the Union turned to enlarge eastwards. This thesis examines the borderline problem that arose with Article 49 of the <em>Maastricht</em> <em>Treaty on the European Union</em>, which gave the right to <em>any European country</em> that respects the principles of: liberty, democracy, human and fundamental rights, and the rule of law, to apply for membership in the EU.</p><p> </p><p>This thesis approaches the EU’s borderline problem by taking on three case studies consisting of Hungary, Lithuania, and Ukraine, for the purpose of analyzing the Eastern enlargement and Ukraine’s potentials of becoming a member of the EU. The reason for doing so is to compare Ukraine’s potentials of becoming a member in the EU with two Eastern states that, like Ukraine, have been involved with the Soviet Union, and that despite their degree of involvement, have been successfully integrated in the EU.</p><p> </p><p>As the EU has turned to enlarge eastwards, it gradually pushes its borderline with every enlargement, closer to Russian territory. Hence, it is necessary to investigate how potential integration of a country like Ukraine can affect the EU’s relations with Russia. The crucial aspect of the current relations between the EU and Russia is the interdependence of energy, where Ukraine is as a strategically important country, since it currently serves as a corridor between East (Russia) and West (EU). This thesis therefore shows that the problematic of potential integration of Ukraine goes much deeper than that of a geographical matter, and therefore touches other problem areas related to domestic political instability in Ukraine, and Russian political influence through its gas supplies.</p><p> </p><p>This thesis approaches the EU’s borderline problem from a foreign political perspective by investigating Ukraine’s potentials of becoming a member of the EU and suggesting, by the assistance of Westberg’s theoretical framework of integration theories, a third generation of integration theories to be needed in order to meet the problematic of the enlargement towards East. The thesis further gives recommendations to how the EU could deal with its borderline problem by answering three research questions related to the enlargement problematic.</p> / <p>De två östutvidgningarna 2004 och 2007 utgjorde ett nytt kapitel i EU:s historia då det var första gången som Unionen påbörjade utvidgningen mot Öst. Denna uppsats undersöker gränsproblematiken som uppkom i samband med Artikel 49 i <em>Maastricht</em> <em>Fördraget om Europeiska Unionen</em>, vilken gav rätten till varje Europeiskt land som respekterar principerna om: frihet, demokrati, mänskliga och fundamentala rättigheter, samt rättsstat, att ansöka om medlemskap i EU.</p><p> </p><p>Denna uppsats närmar sig EU:s gränsproblem genom att ta sig an tre fallstudier bestående av Ungern, Litauen, och Ukraina, i syfte att analysera östutvidgningen och Ukrainas potential att bli medlem i EU ur ett utrikespolitiskt perspektiv. Anledningen till detta är att jämföra Ukrainas potential att bli medlem i EU med två öststater som, i likhet med Ukraina, har varit involverade i Sovjet Unionen, men som oberoende graden av involvering med Ryssland, framgångsrikt blivit integrerade i EU.</p><p> </p><p>Eftersom EU påbörjat utvidgningen mot Öst så förskjuts EU:s gräns gradvis, med varje östutvidgning, nära ryskt territorium. Därmed är det nödvändigt att utreda hur potentiell integrering av ett land som Ukraina kan påverka EU:s relationer med Ryssland. Den avgörande aspekten när det gäller relationerna mellan EU och Ryssland, är det ömsesidiga beroendet kring energi, där Ukraina utgör ett strategiskt viktigt land, eftersom det för närvarande verkar som en korridor mellan Öst (Ryssland) och Väst (EU). Denna uppsats visar att problematiken kring potentiell integrering av Ukraina rör problemområden bortom geografisk natur, så som inhemskt politisk instabilitet i Ukraina, samt Rysslands politiska inflytande genom energiförsörjning till Europa.</p><p> </p><p>Denna uppsats närmar sig EU:s gränsproblem från ett utrikespolitiskt perspektiv genom att utreda Ukrainas potentiella medlemskap i EU. Den föreslår, med hjälp av Westbergs integrationsteoretiska ramverk, att en tredje generation av integrationsteorier är nödvändig för att analysera problematiken kring utvidgningen mot Öst. Uppsatsen ger rekommendationer till hur EU kan hantera sitt gränsproblem genom att svara på tre frågeställningar gällande utvidgningsproblematiken.</p>

The two Eastern enlargements in 2004 and 2007 marked a new chapter in the EU’s history, since it was the first time that the Union turned to enlarge eastwards. This thesis examines the borderline problem that arose with Article 49 of the Maastricht Treaty on the European Union, which gave the right to any European country that respects the principles of: liberty, democracy, human and fundamental rights, and the rule of law, to apply for membership in the EU.   This thesis approaches the EU’s borderline problem by taking on three case studies consisting of Hungary, Lithuania, and Ukraine, for the purpose of analyzing the Eastern enlargement and Ukraine’s potentials of becoming a member of the EU. The reason for doing so is to compare Ukraine’s potentials of becoming a member in the EU with two Eastern states that, like Ukraine, have been involved with the Soviet Union, and that despite their degree of involvement, have been successfully integrated in the EU.   As the EU has turned to enlarge eastwards, it gradually pushes its borderline with every enlargement, closer to Russian territory. Hence, it is necessary to investigate how potential integration of a country like Ukraine can affect the EU’s relations with Russia. The crucial aspect of the current relations between the EU and Russia is the interdependence of energy, where Ukraine is as a strategically important country, since it currently serves as a corridor between East (Russia) and West (EU). This thesis therefore shows that the problematic of potential integration of Ukraine goes much deeper than that of a geographical matter, and therefore touches other problem areas related to domestic political instability in Ukraine, and Russian political influence through its gas supplies.   This thesis approaches the EU’s borderline problem from a foreign political perspective by investigating Ukraine’s potentials of becoming a member of the EU and suggesting, by the assistance of Westberg’s theoretical framework of integration theories, a third generation of integration theories to be needed in order to meet the problematic of the enlargement towards East. The thesis further gives recommendations to how the EU could deal with its borderline problem by answering three research questions related to the enlargement problematic. / De två östutvidgningarna 2004 och 2007 utgjorde ett nytt kapitel i EU:s historia då det var första gången som Unionen påbörjade utvidgningen mot Öst. Denna uppsats undersöker gränsproblematiken som uppkom i samband med Artikel 49 i Maastricht Fördraget om Europeiska Unionen, vilken gav rätten till varje Europeiskt land som respekterar principerna om: frihet, demokrati, mänskliga och fundamentala rättigheter, samt rättsstat, att ansöka om medlemskap i EU.   Denna uppsats närmar sig EU:s gränsproblem genom att ta sig an tre fallstudier bestående av Ungern, Litauen, och Ukraina, i syfte att analysera östutvidgningen och Ukrainas potential att bli medlem i EU ur ett utrikespolitiskt perspektiv. Anledningen till detta är att jämföra Ukrainas potential att bli medlem i EU med två öststater som, i likhet med Ukraina, har varit involverade i Sovjet Unionen, men som oberoende graden av involvering med Ryssland, framgångsrikt blivit integrerade i EU.   Eftersom EU påbörjat utvidgningen mot Öst så förskjuts EU:s gräns gradvis, med varje östutvidgning, nära ryskt territorium. Därmed är det nödvändigt att utreda hur potentiell integrering av ett land som Ukraina kan påverka EU:s relationer med Ryssland. Den avgörande aspekten när det gäller relationerna mellan EU och Ryssland, är det ömsesidiga beroendet kring energi, där Ukraina utgör ett strategiskt viktigt land, eftersom det för närvarande verkar som en korridor mellan Öst (Ryssland) och Väst (EU). Denna uppsats visar att problematiken kring potentiell integrering av Ukraina rör problemområden bortom geografisk natur, så som inhemskt politisk instabilitet i Ukraina, samt Rysslands politiska inflytande genom energiförsörjning till Europa.   Denna uppsats närmar sig EU:s gränsproblem från ett utrikespolitiskt perspektiv genom att utreda Ukrainas potentiella medlemskap i EU. Den föreslår, med hjälp av Westbergs integrationsteoretiska ramverk, att en tredje generation av integrationsteorier är nödvändig för att analysera problematiken kring utvidgningen mot Öst. Uppsatsen ger rekommendationer till hur EU kan hantera sitt gränsproblem genom att svara på tre frågeställningar gällande utvidgningsproblematiken.

Topic of this diploma work is Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) - legal aspects. CFSP is one of policie sof EU based on intergovermental cooperation in foreign relations and defence policy which includes Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The second part of the diploma work describes history of CFSP from WW 2 to describing of Treaty on European Union (TEU). The third part of diploma work describe CFSP of EU in TEU from 90's to current wording. Main topics are instruments and institutions and voting procedure. Marginally I write something about Common Commercial Policy and Cooperation with Third States in the fourth part of diploma work. The last part of diploma work is about the CSDP and EU millitary and civil missions. The content of the work is about CFSP and related issues, therefore I write the basic information about CFSP below. CFSP (as Europian polical cooperation) was established in 70's in last century by member's states for cooperation in foreign policy. In 1992 CFSP was incorporated in TEU and built as authority of Union in second pillar. CFSP was novelised by Amsterdam Treaty and Nice Treaty and Lisbon Treaty as last novelisation. Today is cancelled the Three Pillar structure and CFSP is classified in other external action of EU. Treatment of external action is divided between...