Esta tese busca refletir sobre a configuração fragmentária da produção do escritor Franz Kafka (1883-1924). Procura-se mostrar como a partir do final de 1916 ocorre na produção kafkiana uma inflexão formal decorrente de uma mudança no modo do escritor conceber o caráter danificado de sua escrita. / This thesis reflects upon the fragmentary configuration of Franz Kafka´s production. It aims to show how, from the end of 1916, occurs an formal inflection in the Kafkaesque production due to a change in the way the writer conceives the \"damaged\" character of his writing.

[pt] A proposta da dissertação é uma comparação da idéia de identidade nacional no Brasil e nos Estados Unidos do final do século XIX, com enfoque nas obras de Oliveira Lima no Brasil e de Jackson Turner nos Estados Unidos. O conceito analítico utilizado na questão da identidade nacional é o de comunidades imaginadas, de Benedict Anderson, em que os membros de uma sociedade, desconhecidos uns dos outros na sua maioria, se sentem ligados entre si por símbolos, referências e experiências em comum. Na obra de Oliveira Lima, a comunidade imaginada é construída pelo Estado-Monarquia (instalado com a vinda de D. João VI), num sincretismo com a natureza local e os grupos raciais presentes (índios e negros). A centralização política e a criação de uma matriz institucional de cunho nacional possibilitam ao Brasil sua consolidação como Nação, principalmente pelo viés das artes e da ciência. Na obra de Jackson Turner, a comunidade imaginada é construída pelas bases da sociedade: homens comuns e livres enfrentam a natureza selvagem num embate em que tanto homem como meio ambiente são transformados. A interação homem-meio ambiente, que se caracteriza como a experiência da Fronteira, gera um produto cultural distintamente americano, rompendo assim os laços com a Europa e criando uma sociedade caracterizada pelo movimento, atrito e a eterna busca do melhoramento e do Progresso. / [en] This dissertation aims to compare two distinct ideas of national identity in Brazil and the United States in the late 19th century. The focus is on the works of Oliveira Lima in Brazil and Jackson Turner in the United States. The idea of national identity is analyzed in terms of the concept of imagined communities proposed by Benedict Anderson, in which members of a society, unknown to each other, feel bound together by common symbols, references and experiences. In the work of Oliveira Lima, the imagined community is constructed by the State - in this case the Monarchy, which came to Brazil with D. João VI in the early 19th century. It is an idea of identity characterized by the fusion of European symbols and institutions with local elements - the natural environment and racial groups (Indians and Blacks). Political centralization and the creation of a national institutional network made it possible for Brazil to be consolidated and conceived of as a Nation, especially through the intellectual efforts of artists and scientists. In the work of Jackson Turner, the imagined community is constructed from the grassroots, through the efforts of free, common men in their confrontation with the natural environment. The duel between Man and Nature, in which each element transforms and is transformed by the other, creates a uniquely American product. It is a new cultural type distinct from its European counterpart. This idea of identity is characterized by the Frontier experience and creates a society marked by movement, conflict and the eternal pursuit of material improvement and Progress.

This study examines Ludwig Zinzendorf’s political economy and the intellectual inspiration of his thinking. Zinzendorf, a protégé of Kaunitz, was a sophisticated economic thinker in the mid eighteenth-century Habsburg monarchy who was part of the wider intellectual movement in Europe dedicated to understanding political economy and presenting it as an independent and important activity. Self- educated, polyglot and hard-working, Zinzendorf was formidably well read and impressively numerate. His output was detailed and analytical. With an exceptionally wide knowledge, he offered a more original way to discuss the economy than the essentially didactic approach of cameralist writers. He was a reformer dedicated to propagating the most advanced European ideas and practices. This study is divided into five chapters: chapter one covers the relationship between Zinzendorf and Kaunitz and Zinzendorf’s formative years in France from 1750 to 1752. The influence of French economic thinkers on Zinzendorf’s intellectual development, Jean-François Melon and Vincent de Gournay in particular, is the subject of chapter two. Chapter three is devoted to Zinzendorf’s German translation of John Law’s Money and Trade. The development of Zinzendorf’s ideas on state credit, notably the creation of a new stock exchange and political bank in the monarchy, modelled on the Bank of England, is discussed in chapter four. The final chapter examines how Zinzendorf operated as a sophisticated financial expert in the monarchy. He sought to provide a different kind of economic advice and attempted to open-up government to new concepts on the economy. He was influenced by the important contribution in France made by Gournay and his circle of writers in disseminating foreign ideas by publishing in French a range of economic texts from rival nations. Zinzendorf, it is argued, attempted to apply a moderate format of Gournay’s initiative in the monarchy.

Este estudo analisa as negociações diplomáticas para o reconhecimento da Independência e do Império do Brasil, entre 1822 e 1827. Parte-se da hipótese de que, antes de expressarem uma política coesa e consensual, emitida pelo ministério do Rio de Janeiro, as tratativas diplomáticas sobre o reconhecimento tiveram enorme relevância na definição da arquitetura da monarquia constitucional, sugerindo práticas políticas e indicando contornos institucionais para a organização do Império do Brasil. A partir do cotejamento de fontes diplomáticas, produzidas pelos governos das Cortes de Lisboa, de Londres e do Rio de Janeiro, muitas das quais pouco conhecidas ou mesmo inéditas, foi possível reavaliar o papel desempenhado pelos ministros de Negócios Estrangeiros e agentes diplomáticos dispostos nos três vértices do Atlântico; identificar avaliações políticas distintas no interior do governo de Pedro I; e problematizar a premissa de que, após a declaração de Independência e de separação de Portugal, havia na antiga América portuguesa um Estado estruturado e organizado, herdeiro direto das ações promovidas pelo governo de D. João VI, entre 1808 e 1821. / This study analyzes the diplomatic negotiations for the recognition of both the independence and the Empire of Brazil in the period 1822-1827. It starts with the hypothesis that the diplomatic negotiations did not express a coherent and consensual policy issued by the ministry of Rio de Janeiro; instead, those negotiations had great importance in defining the constitutional monarchy architecture, for it suggested political practices and institutional boundaries to the organization of the Empire of Brazil. After comparing diplomatic sources produced by the governments of the Cortes of Lisbon, London, and Rio de Janeiro many of them little known or even unpublished it was possible: 1) reevaluate the role of Foreign Affairs ministers and diplomatic agents in these three corners of Atlantic; 2) identify distinct political evaluations within the government of Pedro I; 3) and question the premise that, after the Independence from Portugal, there was a structured and organized State in the Portuguese America which was the direct heir of the government of D. João VI (1808-1821).

Submitted by Kenia Bernini (kenia.bernini@ufpel.edu.br) on 2017-07-07T13:39:38Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Victor_Gomes_Monteiro_dissertação.pdf: 13370545 bytes, checksum: 9aa548f53b5e5fa05ff6c1bade10e6d3 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2017-07-11T19:05:50Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Victor_Gomes_Monteiro_dissertação.pdf: 13370545 bytes, checksum: 9aa548f53b5e5fa05ff6c1bade10e6d3 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2017-07-11T19:07:15Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Victor_Gomes_Monteiro_dissertação.pdf: 13370545 bytes, checksum: 9aa548f53b5e5fa05ff6c1bade10e6d3 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-11T19:07:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Victor_Gomes_Monteiro_dissertação.pdf: 13370545 bytes, checksum: 9aa548f53b5e5fa05ff6c1bade10e6d3 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-24 / Sem bolsa / Esta dissertação analisa como a construção política e cultural da paisagem, instituiu formas de governo e de resistência dos escravos, bem como foi parte fundamental da consolidação do sistema escravista na cidade de Pelotas, durante a primeira metade do séc. XIX (1832-­1850). Destacam-­se neste estudo duas escalas da paisagem pelotense. A macro-­espacialidade da escravidão é trazida pela análise dos documentos administrativos (Atas e Posturas da Câmara Municipal de Pelotas). A micro-­espacialidade da escravidão é exemplificada pela análise arqueológica da paisagem de uma unidade produtiva escravista (charqueada São João). Nesse sentido, faz-­se o diálogo entre os preceitos das Arqueologias da Escravidão, Documental e da Paisagem. Em ambas escalas de analise, evidenciam-­se o uso e atuação da paisagem enquanto um dispositivo de controle do escravo. Em contrapartida, revelam-­se as re-­interpretações e manipulações criativas empreendidas pelos escravos frente aos dispositivos materiais que visavam o controle de seus corpos. Este estudo revelou alguns aspectos centrais do entendimento do sistema escravista, dentre estes: o uso de dispositivos materiais de controle por parte das autoridades locais, no intuito de estabelecer um cerceamento da circulação dos escravos no espaço público;; as resistências materiais dos escravos e o uso criativo dos espaços para o desenvolvimento das sociabilidades, alheias ao poder disciplinador;; a constatação de que os corpos dos escravos, enquanto unidade ou um contingente configuraram-­se enquanto componentes materiais da paisagem;; a conformação mútua entre as matas da Serra dos Tapes e a identidade quilombola de forma geral. Ademais, verificaram-­se as características do processo de normatização dos espaços empreendido pelas autoridades pelotenses. Este processo é exemplificado pela tentativa de dinamizar a fluidez do comércio local e da circulação de pessoas e objetos;; a busca por instituir uma hierarquização entre as áreas da cidade, principalmente por meio da eleição de tipos construtivos padronizados para zona urbana e a exclusão de outros;; bem como a autoridade ou controle sobre as construções e modificações na paisagem e sobre a circulação de produtos e pessoas nos espaços e vias da cidade, para fins de taxação e cobrança de impostos. A análise da charqueada São João e da disposição de suas estruturas na paisagem, constatou em linhas gerais, sua configuração de centralidade com relação ao sistema produtivo e de proximidade entre suas estruturas (as de moradia e as relacionadas ao espaço produtivo). Esta configuração, com variações locais, aparece em distintos contextos escravistas do novo mundo. / This study analyzes how the political and cultural construction of landscape, organized forms of government and resistance of enslaved, and was a key part of the slave system consolidation in the city of Pelotas (Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil), during the first half of the nineteenth century (1832-­1850). In this sense, are emphasized in this text two analytical scales of landscape. The macro-­ spatiality of slavery is brought by the analysis of administrative documents (Minutes and Postures of the Municipality of Pelotas). The micro-­spatiality of slavery is exemplified by the archaeological analysis of a plantation (that traded jerked beef) named Charqueada São João. In this sense, there is the dialogue between the precepts of Archaeology of Slavery, Documentary Archaeology and Landscape Archaeology. In both scales of analysis, landscape is established as a slave control device. On the other hand, it shows the re-­interpretations and creative manipulations undertaken by slaves before of the material devices that aimed to the control of their bodies. This study revealed some key aspects of the understanding of the slave system, among these: the use of material control devices by local authorities in order to establish a retrenchment of slave movement in public spaces;; resistance materials of the slaves and the creative use of space for the development of sociability, unrelated to the disciplinary power;; the fact that the bodies of slaves, as a unit or a contingent, it was configured as a material component of the landscape;; mutual conformation between the forests of the Serra dos Tapes and Maroon identity in general. In addition, there were the features of the normative process sat in spaces, undertaken by Pelotas authorities. This process is exemplified by the attempt to give dynamism to the flow of local trade and movement of persons and objects;; the search for establishing a hierarchy between the areas of the city, primarily through standardized election of building types for urban areas and the exclusion of others;; and the authority or control through the buildings and changes in the landscape and by the movement of goods and people in the spaces and streets of the city, for tax purposes and tax collection. The analysis of Charqueada São João and the layout of its structures in the landscape, showed its central setting in relation to the production system and the proximity between all the structures of the plantation (the principal house and those related to the production space). This configuration, with local variations, appears in different contexts of slave plantations in the New World

A proposta deste trabalho é estudar as moedas da Cirenaica emitidas entre o início do domínio de Ptolomeu I na região e a morte do último governante independente, Magas, em 258 a.C. O nosso objetivo é analisar, a partir dos tipos monetários, qual a expressão política das facções existentes nas cidades da Cirenaica e qual o posicionamento desses grupos em relação ao controle lagida. Lançando mão da comparação entre os tipos monetários, do uso de determinadas inscrições associadas aos tipos e aos principais acontecimentos políticos e da adoção sucessiva de diversos padrões monetários pelas cidades, discutiremos como foi construído o discurso político da autoridade emissora dessas cidades como resposta aos principais acontecimentos desses anos. / The purpose of this research is study the Cyrenaicas coins issued between the beginning of the Ptolemys control in the region and the death of the last independent government, Magas, in 258 a.C. Our goal is analyse, from the monetary types, the political expression of the citys factions and what the position of these groups about a lagids control. Through the comparision between the types, the use of some inscriptions associated to the types and to the main political events and the successive adoption of various monetary standards by the cities, we will discuss how was built the political message of the issuing authority as an answer to the main events of these years.

Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo averiguar a relevância da produção escrita oitocentista no ordenamento da Monarquia brasileira. Para tanto, com base nos escritos de dois letrados que tiveram atuação bastante destacada no âmbito da referida produção, sendo eles o pernambucano José Ignácio de Abreu e Lima e o fluminense Joaquim Manuel de Macedo, procuro analisar a interação das elites brasileiras com dois meios de expressão que foram, por elas, tomados enquanto instrumentos destinados à tarefa que se colocava no contexto do citado ordenamento: a construção do Estado e da nação. A partir dos manuais didáticos de história do Brasil e dos artigos publicados em diferentes periódicos que circularam no país, tento verificar como Abreu e Lima e Macedo recorreram, em épocas distintas, a esses meios de expressão para promover seus projetos políticos e marcar posições diante de seus adversários, sinalizando a importância dos tais escritos enquanto formas específicas de espaço público atreladas à organização do regime monárquico brasileiro. / The aim of this research is to investigate the written production relevancy of 19th century to the organization of Brazilian Monarchy. For this, based on studies produced by two writers with an outstanding involvement referring to this production, called as José Ignácio de Abreu e Lima, from Pernambuco, Brazil and Joaquim Manuel de Macedo, from Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, I intend to analyze the Brazilian elites with two expression means, which have been chosen by them as a way to promote the State and Nation construction. From Brazilian history didactic manuals and articles published in several Brazilian newspapers, I try to identify how Abreu e Lima and Macedo have used them in different times regarding to promote their own political projects and stand their point of view against their rivals, showing the importance of such productions as a public expression venue connected to the organization of Brazilian Monarchy.

The Arab Spring of 2011 revealed stark variation in the durability of different types of authoritarian regimes. Kings and emirs demonstrably outperformed their republican peers. This paper provides a qualitative study of the Moroccan monarchy in order to better explain this pattern. The findings of an original media content analysis support the paper's thesis that Morocco's King Mohammed VI maintained his throne by effectively using a historically derived position of concentrated power and immense wealth to manipulate potential opposition and dominate public discourse. This multi-causal mechanism of manufactured consent helped create and sustain the monarch's domestic legitimacy while alienating his opponents. Importantly, the illusion of a free media bolsters his image with Western political elites, thus, drawing greater external support and reducing the cost of repression.

L’ouverture politique au Maroc a été rendue possible suite à certains facteurs dont des évènements externes et d’autres internes, mais elle ne peut être dissociée de la volonté monarchique d’engager le pays dans un processus de démocratisation afin de renforcer l’Etat de droit.Après s’être rendu compte de l’impératif d’une conciliation de la monarchie constitutionnelle et de la démocratie, le Maroc semble désormais donner plus de priorité aux principes démocratiques. Si le pays a longtemps sombré dans un autoritarisme absolu, les différentes réformes engagées ces dernières décennies vont dans le sens de l’amélioration de la qualité démocratique du régime en place. Mais certaines résistances remettent en cause les acquis du processus démocratique, sans oublier que ce dernier se retrouve confronté aux disfonctionnements du système et aux déficits hérités du passé. Ainsi, plusieurs défis sont encore à relever.La présente thèse tente d’apporter des éléments de réponse à la question de savoir si la construction démocratique du régime marocain est possible face à un système politique qui reste fondé sur la suprématie de la monarchie et sur la tradition.Cette problématique sera abordée sous l’angle de la mutation du modèle marocain de monarchie constitutionnelle et de la difficile construction démocratique du système en place. La présente thèse estime que le Maroc est sans aucun doute sur la voie de la démocratie malgré les efforts qui restent à fournir. Elle considère aussi que ce processus de démocratisation consiste à concilier entre l’universalité de la démocratie et la spécificité de la pratique démocratique au Maroc. / The political freedom in Morocco has become possible due to some factors that can be either internal or external. However, this latter cannot be disassociated from the willing of the monarchy to engage the country in a process of democratization to reinforce the rule of law.Being aware of the imperative democratization of the constitutional monarchy, Morocco seems to afford more priority to democratic principles. If Morocco has long been in the darkness of an absolute autoritarism, the different reforms engaged in these last decades have, at least, improved the quality of the local regime. However, certain resistance let us think more about the process of democracy, knowing that this latter is confronted to a disfunctioning of the system and mainly to the defects of the past. In this case, some challenges are mandatory.The present thesis, then, tend to answer the question if the democratic construction of the moroccan regime is possible in front of a political system which is based on the supremacy of the monarchy and on tradition.This problematic will be dealt with according to the mutation of the constitutional monarchy of the local regime. In addition to this, the present thesis estimates that Morocco is with no doughty in the right track of democracy even if still much effort is to be done. I t also considers that this process of democratization consists to conciliate the universality of democracy and the specificity of the democratic practice in Morocco.

La monarchia britannica – soprattutto quando viene considerata nella sua evo-luzione istituzionale contemporanea – rappresenta un oggetto di studio poco affermato sia in Italia sia, sorprendentemente, nei paesi di stampo anglosassone;il presente studio si pone l'obiettivo di analizzare la figura di Elizabeth II dal punto di vista dello svolgimento dell’attività di rappresentanza all’estero e nei paesi membri del Commonwealth durante il primo ventennio del suo lunghissimo regno. L’attività pubblica della Regina – i viaggi e le visite che compie e riceve ogni anno all’estero su suggerimento del Governo e con l’aiuto organizzativo del Foreign Office e nei paesi del Commonwealth su invito dei paesi stessi – rappresenta, infatti, una lente di ingrandimento particolarmente significativa e mai utilizzata prima per l’analisi della Monarchia. / This research project wants to give a meaningful account of the role of the Queen in the foreign policy from the beginning of Her Majesty's reign in 1952 to 1972 (date of the United Kingdom's entry in the European Community). The shape of the Monarchy has often been outlined describing Her Majesty's biographical events, but in this way a research following an institutional point of view has always been left out. Instead, this type of research could enable to understand with more clarity the real contribution of the Crown in the British constitutional system. The necessity to investigate the role of the Queen does not come only from the absence of adequate and comprehensive studies about it, but derives from the belief that Elizabeth II — despite her full respect of the constitutional practices — had effectively guided Her realms through those difficult years which have seen the dismantlement of the Empire, the birth of the New Commonwealth, the tortuous path towards the European integration and the terrible and dangerous tensions caused by the Cold War. The role of Her Majesty as Head of State and as Head of the Commonwealth, as well the tenacious practice of the three fundamental rights enunciated by Bagehot — the right to be consulted, the right to encourage, the right to warn —, make this research more than motivated. Moreover, the particular attention dedicated to the trips and the visits of the Queen shows that these moments have more than a symbolical value in the international relations. As the nature of this project is purely innovative, this research has been carried out using mainly archives sources.