The dissertation thesis is considered with the development of capital markets in Austria before 1918. The Austrian capital market originated during the 18th century as the place for distribution of government securities. In 1771 the Vienna Stock Exchange was established as the first organized place for securities trading in the former Austrian Monarchy. The government securities remained the major investment instrument traded till 1918. In primary decades the Austrian capital market was nearly connected with the development of Austrian currency especially in times before the Austrian state bankruptcy in 1811 and then in times of the following effort of the Austrian government aiming the correction of Austrian currency. This aiming culminated in establishing of the Privileged Austrian National Bank as the first central bank in the former Austrian Monarchy. From about 1830 private securities were traded in the Vienna Stock Exchange as well. In primary decades these private securities were especially represented by equities and bonds of railway companies. The peak of private emissions related to the Austrian capital markets could be documented round 1870 in the framework of the so called founder times. These founder times were ended in Mai 1873 by the crisis on the Vienna Stock Exchange. After 1873 the Austrian capital market went back to the situation from the early 19th century, i.e. it can be seen the dominant role of government securities connected with the decrease of importance of the Austrian capital market as the place for company finance funding. After 1880 there is the origin of the very strong connection between the industrial companies on the one side and the banking sector on the other side which was typical not only for the former Austrian -- Hungarian Monarchy but also for German Empire and for other Middle European countries. The decrease of importance of the private securities was also caused by the nationalization of the Austrian railway companies after 1879. During the World War I the Vienna Stock Exchange as well as other stock exchange in the Monarchy was out of business. During this time the Austrian public debt was multiplied and the Austrian currency under strong inflation. After 1918 the Vienna Stock Exchange lost much from its former importance to the prejudice of the Prague Stock Exchange above all.

Il a été démontré que l’Antiquité gréco-romaine avait eu une très forte influence sur le discours et la pratique de la Révolution. Il est donc apparu intéressant d’étudier la présence et l’impact des Antiquités (y compris celtique et germanique) dans les débats politiques et, plus particulièrement, constitutionnels au XIXe siècle afin de vérifier la véracité de la position couramment admise selon laquelle l’Antiquité aurait été presque totalement absente. La France a connu, avant l’époque contemporaine, une succession de renaissances de l’Antiquité. Aussi, celle du XIXe siècle a-t-elle constitué une nouvelle illustration de cet éternel recommencement ou a-t-elle incarné le début d’un épuisement ? En s’appuyant sur un plan chrono-thématique couvrant la période allant de 1814 à 1875, la présente analyse combine histoires des idées et des institutions. Comment l’invocation de l’Antiquité dans les débats constitutionnels et les argumentaires politiques a-t-elle influé sur l’évolution des régimes et la transformation des institutions de la France au XIXe siècle ? Dès la Restauration, l’Antiquité gréco-romaine a effectivement connu un recul idéologique par rapport à la période précédente ; cependant, ce reflux ne fut que relatif (les humanités restaient dans la culture commune) et, pour le moins, ambivalent (car des modèles antiques comme celui du régime mixte attiraient). Cela a toutefois conduit, dans la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle, à une neutralisation scientifique de l’Antiquité gréco-romaine : son intérêt et sa valeur furent comme subjectivisés en raison de la volonté de construire un roman national (en opposition à l’Allemagne) et un avenir politique fondé sur des principes résolument modernes (contractualisme, républicanisme, parlementarisme…). / It has been shown that the Greco-Roman antiquity had a very strong influence over the political discourse during the French Revolution. Thus, it seemed interesting to study the political debates of the XIXth and more specifically the constitutional debates, in order to validate or on the contrary to invalidate the commonly accepted view under which the antiquity would have had barely any influence during the XIXth century. Before modern times France experienced numerous revivals of Antiquity, also the question was to find out if there was another revival of the Antiquity under the XIXth century and if this revival was the beginning of something new or the swan song of the influence of the Antiquity. The present analyses propose to understand through a both chronological and thematic study, covering the period from 1814 to 1875, and by combining history of political ideas and history of the institutions, if the Antiquity had an influence on the political debates and the construction of the political models of the XIXth century. Indeed, as early as the first restoration the influence of antiquity already declined as compared to the previous period, but this backflow is in fact limited (the humanities remained in common culture) and also ambivalent (since an antic model such as the hybrid presidential-parliamentary-judicial interested the politicians). However, this led in the second half of the nineteenth century to a scientific neutralization of the Greco-Roman antiquity : its interest and value were put in perspective, because of the desire of the men of the XIXth century to write a national novel (in opposition to Germany), but also because they wanted a new political order based on some modern principles such as Contractualism, Republicanism and Parliamentarianism.

Nesta investigação será analisada a reconfiguração político-territorial do Vice-Reino do Novo Reino de Granada, no final do século XVIII e nas duas primeiras décadas do século XIX. Em primeiro lugar, examinar-se-á a organização político-territorial do Vice-Reino, estabelecida pela monarquia espanhola. Em segundo lugar, analisar-se-á a formação de juntas de governo, congressos, Estados provinciais e confederações, que, após a dissolução da monarquia, em 1808, foram legitimadas por meio de atas, constituições de tipo moderno e guerras. Esses acontecimentos modificaram a organização política e territorial do antigo Vice-Reino, entre 1809 e 1816. / This research analyzes the political and territorial reconfiguration of the Viceroyalty of New Kingdom of Granada, in the late eighteenth century and the first two decades of the nineteenth century. In the first place, the political and territorial organization of the Viceroyalty established by the Spanish monarchy will be examined. Secondly, the formation of governments juntas, congress, provincial States and confederations after the dissolution of the monarchy in 1808 will to be analyzed, as well as how they were legitimated by actas, constitutions of modern type and wars that changed political and territorial organization of the former Viceroyalty, between 1809 and 1816.

Nesta investigação será analisada a reconfiguração político-territorial do Vice-Reino do Novo Reino de Granada, no final do século XVIII e nas duas primeiras décadas do século XIX. Em primeiro lugar, examinar-se-á a organização político-territorial do Vice-Reino, estabelecida pela monarquia espanhola. Em segundo lugar, analisar-se-á a formação de juntas de governo, congressos, Estados provinciais e confederações, que, após a dissolução da monarquia, em 1808, foram legitimadas por meio de atas, constituições de tipo moderno e guerras. Esses acontecimentos modificaram a organização política e territorial do antigo Vice-Reino, entre 1809 e 1816. / This research analyzes the political and territorial reconfiguration of the Viceroyalty of New Kingdom of Granada, in the late eighteenth century and the first two decades of the nineteenth century. In the first place, the political and territorial organization of the Viceroyalty established by the Spanish monarchy will be examined. Secondly, the formation of governments juntas, congress, provincial States and confederations after the dissolution of the monarchy in 1808 will to be analyzed, as well as how they were legitimated by actas, constitutions of modern type and wars that changed political and territorial organization of the former Viceroyalty, between 1809 and 1816.

Dans cette thèse, il s'agit d'observer les logiques de fonctionnement de la monarchie polycentrique des Habsbourg à travers l'exposition d'une étude de cas centrée sur Gênes. En 1528, emportée dans le giron du condotierri génois Andrea Doria, la seigneurerie de Gênes s'était affranchie de la domination du roi de France et avait intégré le système impérial des Habsbourg en tant que république indépendante et alliée. L'entretien du système politique, militaire et financier hispano-génois dut beaucoup aux liens entre les maisons Habsbourg et Doria. Si la figure d'Andrea Doria a été mise en valeur par une importante production historiographique, son petit neveu Giovanni Andre - qui fut pourtant capitaine général de la mer entre 1584 et 1602 - n'a pas encore été l'objet d'études abouties. Par l'observation de sa trajectoire individuelle, l'objectif est de créer un outil permettant de questionner le rôle et la figure de l'entrepreneur de la guerre dans la politique impérialiste des Habsbourg. En croisant les perspectives empiriques et micro-analytiques et en redimensionnant les échelles analytiques, l'enjeu est de comprendre la stratégie du roi qui consistait à confier des parcelles de pouvoir politique à des particuliers et d'observer comment certains génois en tiraient profit. Enfin, il s'agit de mesurer les conséquences que ce modus operandi eut sur la politique guerrière des Habsbourg en Méditerranée. Par ces questionnements, c'est l'incidence de l'intérêt privé dans la construction de la monarchie polycentrique qui est soulevé. / In this thesis, we study the articulation of the polycentric monarchy of the Habsburgs through the exposure of a case study centered on Genoa. In 1528, trained in the lap of the genoese condotierri Andrea Doria, Genoa was freed from the domination on the king of France and had integrated the Habsburg imperial system, as an independent and allied republic. The Hispano-Genoese political military and financial system owed much to the links between the Habsburg and Doria houses. If Andrea Doria was highlighted by an important historiographical production, his little nephew Giovanni Andrea, - who was admiral for the Spanish between 1584 and 1602 - has not yet been the object of completed studies. By observing his individual trajectory, the objective is to create a tool to question the role of the figure of the war contractor in the Habsburg imperialist policy. By crossing the empirical and micro-analytical perspectives, and resizing the analytical scales, the challenge is to understand the king's strategy of entrusting parcels of political power to individuals and to observe how Genoese took advantage of it. Finally, it is a question of measuring the consequences that this modus operandi had on the Habsburg war policy in the Mediterranean area. Through these questions it is the impact of the private interest in the construction of the polycentric monarchy that is raised.

No description available.

La tesis se ocupa de las relaciones diplomáticas entre España y la Santa Sede durante la fase final de la Restauración borbónica, desde 1902 hasta 1923, con especial mención a la cuestión matrimonial. De los tres capítulos que la componen, el primero contextualiza el reinado de Alfonso XIII. Se alude a cuestiones históricas y a medidas normativas relevantes en el ámbito eclesiástico y en el civil. El segundo capítulo comienza con la entrada en vigor de la Ley de 18 de junio de 1870, de matrimonio civil obligatorio, y abarca hasta 1902. El tercero versa sobre la cuestión matrimonial durante el reinado de Alfonso XIII. El sistema matrimonial vigente, salvo el caso aislado de la Real Orden de 27 de agosto de 1906, derogada un año más tarde, fue el de matrimonio civil subsidiario. La interpretación del término "profesión de fe" sería el motivo de mayores controversias. / The thesis deals with the diplomatic relationships between Spain and the Holy See during the final period of the Bourbon Restoration, focusing especially on matrimonial matters. The first chapter of the thesis contextualises the kingdom of Alfonso XIII of Spain; historical issues and regulatory measures relevant within both the ecclesiastical and the civil context are mentioned in this chapter. The second chapter covers the years between the coming into force of the Ley de 18 de junio de 1870 − which introduced compulsory civil marriage in Spain - and the year 1902. The third chapter deals with matrimonial matters during the reign of King Alfonso XIII. The subsidiary civil marriage constituted the current matrimonial system at the time, with the only exception being the Real Orden de 27 de agosto de 1906, which was abrogated the following year. The interpretation of the term "profession of faith" was to cause major controversy.

No description available.

This dissertation re-examines a set of long-standing problems that arise from Aristotle’s defense of kingship in the Politics. Scholars have argued for over a century that Aristotle’s endorsement of sole rule by an individual of outstanding excellence is incompatible with his theory of distributive justice and his very conception of a political community. Previous attempts to resolve this apparent contradiction have failed to ease the deeper tensions between the idea of the polis as a community of free and equal citizens sharing in ruling and being ruled and the vision of absolute kingship in which one man rules over others who are merely ruled. I argue that the so-called “paradox of monarchy” emerges from misconceptions and insufficiently nuanced interpretations of kingship itself and of the more fundamental concepts of community, rule, authority, and citizenship. Properly understood, Aristotelian kingship is not a form of government that concentrates power in the hands of a single individual, but an arrangement in which free citizens willingly invest that individual with a position of supreme authority without themselves ceasing to share in rule. Rather than a muddled appendage tacked on to the Politics out of deference to Macedon or an uncritical adoption of Platonic utopianism, Aristotle’s defense of kingship is a piece of ideal theory that serves in part to undermine the pretensions of actual or would-be monarchs, whether warrior- or philosopher-kings. / text

Immortalisé par Victor Hugo dans Les Misérables, le général Lamarque est surtout connu pour ses funérailles qui ont dégénérées en juin 1832, en une insurrection républicaine réprimée par le pouvoir orléaniste. Pourtant, sa vie ne saurait se résumer à cette image d’Épinal : grâce à des archives souvent inédites ou peu exploitées, le travail de l'historien a permis de dissocier le mythe, qui s'est construit autour du personnage, de la réalité historique pour dresser un portrait inédit de ce Landais engagé dans les affaires de son temps. Issu de la bourgeoisie de robe, il adhère rapidement aux idées d'une Révolution qui lui donne les moyens d'être un acteur des événements : garde national,Jacobin, officier dans un bataillon de volontaires. Instruit et cultivé, il est également pourvu d'un grand courage physique. Sans jamais appartenir aux premiers cercles du pouvoir, il est proche des membres de la famille Bonaparte qui assurent son ascension.Sa carrière militaire sous l'Empire n'est toutefois que de second ordre et c'est à la périphérie de l'Europe qu'il se distingue dans la contre-guérilla. Déçu par la Restauration, il rallie Napoléon lors des Cent-Jours qui l'envoie en Vendée. Cette affectation le compromet durablement aux yeux du pouvoir royaliste qui ne voit plus en lui qu'un général bonapartiste. Exilé, il ne revient en France qu'en 1818 et embrasse une carrière littéraire tout en cherchant à garder son rang dans la société. Au contact de l'opposition libérale, il renoue avec la politique au quotidien. Sa reconversion en politique n'est pourtant pas une évidence. Ce n'est qu'en 1828 qu'il devient député et ce n'est que sous la monarchie de Juillet qu'il devient un héros populaire. / Immortalized by Victor Hugo in « Les Misérables », General Lamarque is mainly known for his funerals in June 1832, which turned into a republican insurrection,suppressed by Orléanist power. However, his life could not be summarized by this stereotyped image : thanks to unexploited or less exploited archives, the historian’swork permitted to dissociate the myth shaped around his character from historical reality, to get an original portrait of this character from the Landes. Coming originally from the bourgeoisie of the robe, he soon stuck to Revolution ideas which gave him the means to be an actor of events : National Guard, Jacobin, officer in a Volunteers Battalion. Educated and cultured, he also came complete with his physical courage. He never was a part of first circles of power, he was close to the House of Bonaparte which provided his rise. His military career under the Empire is yet only second-rate. It is atthe Europe's periphery he stands out in Guerrilla warfare. Disappointed by theRestoration, he rallied to Napoleon during The Hundred Days, who sent him to theVendée. This posting sustainably compromised him to the eyes of royalist power whichonly saw him as a Bonapartist general. Exiled, he only came back to France in 1818 and decided for a literary career as well as he tried to keep his position in society. Through contact with the liberal opposition, he joined politic in everyday life. This change of career was not obvious though. He only became a Member of Parliament in 1828. Hewas only recognized as a popular hero under July Monarchy.