This thesis examines the political and social worldview of British and Indian royalty during the nineteenth century. Rather than viewing them as mere 'ornamental' figureheads, it seeks to highlight and scrutinise the ideas held by monarchs (sovereign or deposed) about empire and the role of royalty, as well as considering how their attempts at implementing such ideas can complicate existing narratives about the relative influence and authority of this group. Above all, this thesis breaks new ground by adopting a transnational approach in its study of such royal ideas and endeavours. Ruling dynasties, monarchs and courts have long been part of an interconnected, if rarefied, world encompassing Europe and Asia, though this is not adequately reflected in the historiography on the nineteenth century. This is despite the ironic fact that in that century, many royal houses were brought closer together than ever before, through the impact of growing global empires, and advancing communications and transportation networks. The first direct meetings between British and Indian royalty took place during this period, in the early 1850s, and are closely examined here. Based on a core case-study of the longstanding relationship between the Punjabi and British dynasties of Maharajah Ranjit Singh and Queen Victoria, and using a wide variety of textual and material sources, this thesis captures royal perspectives of their status and role in an evolving world, alongside considering how British and Indian royalty directly or indirectly influenced one another. This study effectively de-centres the British imperial official as the primary agent in Anglo-Indian elite encounters, and goes further to demonstrate that whether in the case of the connections between royal personages, or in the ties between ‘monarchy, nation and empire’, the capability for royal agency to shape the nature of such relationships evolved over time and was a consistently contested matter.

Héritière des graines semées depuis la Révolution, la monarchie de Juillet élabore les bases d'une politique patrimoniale dans un contexte de renouveau urbain. Les villes entament un processus de transformation de leur armature pour répondre aux nécessités de salubrité publique et s'adapter aux changements socio-économiques. Dans ce contexte, de nouvelles formes de vandalisme apparaissent. Entre conservation des monuments et salubrité publique, différents acteurs doivent faire consensus. Bien que critiqué, le réemploi apparaît comme la meilleure alternative. Il s'agit de concilier les monuments de l'ancienne France avec les impératifs de la France moderne. De la dénonciation du« beau percé», apparaît la défense d'une physionomie de la ville, avec la notion de paysage urbain. Objet de fierté locale, l'édifice ancien est constitutif d'un capital culturel économique. Paysages et monuments constituent les principaux attraits et atouts d'une ville. Le régime fonde trois organes dédiés aux monuments historiques et favorise l'essor des sociétés savantes. Ces acteurs, dénommés les hussards des monuments historiques, remettent en cause les pratiques de l' Ancien Régime. Face à un vandalisme multiforme, ils élaborent de nouvelles modalités de gestion des édifices prenant en compte plusieurs paramètres, comme l'intégrité. À travers leurs discours, ils invitent à une réflexion nouvelle sur la place et le rôle du monument historique dans un espace urbain qui se régénère en profondeur. Pour atteindre leurs objectifs, des outils de vulgarisation de l'archéologie sont mis en place et diffusés pour former la nouvelle génération et contribuer à une prise de conscience. / Heiress of seeds sowed since the French Revolution, the July Monarchy develops the bases of a cultural heritage policy in a context of urban revival. Cities begin a transformation process of their framework to answer the necessities of the public health and adapt itself to the socioeconomic changes. In this context, new forms of vandalism appear. Between preservation of monuments and public health-, various actors have to reach a consensus. Although criticized, the re-use appears as the best alternative. It is a question of reconciling the monuments of Ancient France with the imperatives of modern France. Of this denunciation of "beau percé", the defense of a face of the city, with the notion of urban landscape appears. Object of a local pride, the building constitutes an economic cultural capital. Landscapes and monuments constitute one of the main attractions and assets of a city. The government establishes three entities dedicated to historic monuments and favors the development of the learned societies. These actors, called "hussars of historic monuments", involve to the practices of Ancien Regime. In the face of a multi-form vandalism, they develop new modalities of management of buildings by taking into account several parameters, of which the integrity. Through their speeches, they invite in a new reflection on the place and the role of the historical monument in an urban space which regenerates in depth. To reach their goals, tools of popularization of the archaeology are set up and spread to train the new generation and contribute to an awareness.

De 1396 à 1512, Gênes, incapable de se gouverner seule, se donne trois fois à la France, permettant la rencontre entre deux modèles politiques, sociaux et culturels opposés. L’évolution de leurs relations, forcément conflictuelles, dessine au cours du XV° siècle le triomphe de la Monarchie sur la Commune : dans le domaine diplomatique, où Gênes devient progressivement la porte d’Italie des Français, fournissant capitaux et navires à chaque expédition ; au sein du gouvernement de la cité, où les gouverneurs multiplient les pratiques arbitraires inspirées des principes monarchiques. Victoire temporaire cependant, qui masque la résurgence d’un idéal civique dans la cité. Développé tout au long du siècle sous l’influence des dominations françaises et porté par un groupe citadin réuni autour des valeurs de Liberté et d’Union, il sera le socle de la réforme de 1528 et permettra aux Génois, en se débarrassant de la tutelle royale, de renouer avec la stabilité et la prospérité. / From 1396 to 1512, Genoa, incapable of ruling itself, gives itself over to France three times, thus enabling the encounter of two opposit political, social and cultural models. The evolution of their relationship, obviously conflictual, outlines throughout the fifteenth century the triumph of the Monarchy over the Commune. On the diplomatical level first, where Genoa becomes progressively the French gateway to Italy, providing funds and ships to each expedition. Then amoung the Citys' government, where the governors implement increasingly arbitrary practices inspired by monarchy principles. But a victory in appearance only, masking the resurgence of a civic ideal in the city. An ideal that will flourish all along the century under foreign influence, supported by a group of city dwellers united around the values of Liberty, Union and Stability. And an ideal that will end up being the basis of the 1528, enabling the Genovese to enter their « golden century ».

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:19:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Celio Silva.pdf: 845511 bytes, checksum: e388cb67317172a187cbedf784344d3f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-04-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The thesis is divided into three chapters: in the first one, the form and setting of Hosea 4,4-19 are studied; in the second chapter its interpretation is made and in the third one, other texts extracted from the book of Hosea are analysed, which corroborate the thesis presented from the analysis of Hosea 4,4-19, that was made in the two previous chapters. The study of Hosea avails the old prophet to speak again and we can hear him to say to his situation, as an Israelite and to represent his brothers and sisters in their hardships in Israel in the 8th century B. C. The passage chosen to be analysed shows many aspects of that life, characterized by declarations, expressions and vivid images, as to make a picture for his everyday life. And here it is the main point of the reflections about the biblical passage: an everyday life condemned by the prophet, in name of Yahweh, that covers the abuse of people through its glamour, justifications and even religion. The prophet does not condemn the Israelites, neither the women (4,13-14), but the lords of the power , which groups the priests used to belong to, for they abandoned their responsabilities in favour of people of Yahweh and followed their own interests, despite that people s losses. Reinforcing his accusations (and lamentations, vv.6 and 11), Hosea uses, metaphorically, terms as the Hebrew root hnz znh and derived words, which are understood in this thesis as being or becoming independent , for those people who dominate in the country have proceeded autonomously, far away from the Yawistic traditions which are based on true knowledge (tu^D^ da at) and instruction (hr*oT torah) of god, that can be noticed in the practice of the right (fP*v=m! mispat) and the solidarity (ds#j# hesed). Hosea neither unmask idolatric rituals with the intention of preserving religious ideas, nor concerns about practices, even those belonging to prostitution, for moralistic issues. He protests against the reality of a life condemned to be smashed by groups that, showing themselves so religious, have become, in practice, independent from Yahweh of exodus, Yahweh of poor people. / A tese divide-se em três capítulos: no primeiro, estudam-se a forma e o lugar de Oseias 4,4-19; no segundo, os conteúdos da passagem bíblica em foco; e, no terceiro capítulo, abordam-se outros textos do livro de Oseias que corroborem com a tese apresentada a partir da análise de Oseias 4,4-19, feita nos capítulos anteriores. Estudar Oseias é abrir possibilidade de dar voz, novamente, ao antigo profeta e ouvir-lhe falar para a sua situação de israelita e representar seus irmãos na dura realidade da vida em Israel no século 8º a. C. O trecho selecionado para estudo apresenta muitos aspectos dessa vida, caracterizada por declarações, expressões e imagens vívidas, como a montar um quadro do seu cotidiano. E aqui reside o ponto nevrálgico das reflexões sobre a passagem bíblica: um cotidiano condenado pelo profeta, em nome de Javé, por encobrir, por meio de suas aparências e justificativas, o abuso de pessoas, até mediante a religião. O profeta não condena os israelitas, tampouco as mulheres (4,13-14), mas os senhores do poder , dentre os quais estão os sacerdotes, por deixarem suas responsabilidades em favor do povo de Javé para seguirem seus próprios interesses, a custa desse mesmo povo. Para reforçar suas acusações (e lamentações, vv.6 e 11), Oseias se utiliza, metaforicamente, de termos como a raiz hebraica hnz znh e palavras derivadas, a qual é entendida nesta tese como ser ou tornar-se independente , pois aqueles que mandam no país, têm procedido de maneira autônoma, longe das tradições javistas pautadas no verdadeiro conhecimento (tu^D^ da at) e na instrução (hr*oT torah) de deus, que podem ser percebidos na prática do direito (fP*v=m! mispat) e da solidariedade (ds#j# hesed). Oseias não pretende desmascarar cultos idolátricos pela simples preocupação de preservar ideias religiosas, e nem se preocupa com práticas, mesmo as de prostituição, por questões moralistas. Ele protesta contra a realidade de uma vida condenada ao esmagamento por grupos que, mostrando-se tão religiosos, tornaram-se, de fato, independentes do Javé do êxodo, do Javé dos pobres.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:30:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RenatoSilva.pdf: 3937691 bytes, checksum: 1162c11b718dde0c1623b2bd227108bf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-03 / This research seeks to highlight and analyze the construction of symbolic representations, imaginary and media of the British monarchy the narratives in contemporary Brazilian TV journalism, present in their rituals and ceremonial events, making them media events relevant in the programming of the highest-rated stations in the country and recurring theme on the agenda of the media surveyed. Analyses the mythical and symbolic dimension of building their representations, which, to be played and displayed on television, you get greater range and communicational media along the different local cultures, in broad global spectrum. To this end, combines a historical and bibliographical research with an empirical research focused on the analysis of telenews narratives, present in the Globe and Record network between 2010 and 2013. It was defined in the images and telenews narratives corpus of is research, by its scope and distribution, as well as reference / Esta pesquisa busca evidenciar e analisar a construção das representações simbólicas, imaginárias e midiáticas da monarquia britânica contemporânea nas narrativas do telejornalismo brasileiro, presentes na exibição de seus eventos rituais e cerimoniais, tornando-os acontecimentos midiáticos relevantes na programação das emissoras de maior audiência do país e tema recorrente na pauta dos meios de comunicação pesquisados. Analisa a dimensão mítica e simbólica da construção de suas representações, as quais, ao serem reproduzidas e exibidas pela televisão, ganham maior alcance comunicacional e midiático junto às diferentes culturas locais, no amplo espectro global. Para tanto, combina uma pesquisa bibliográfica e histórica com uma pesquisa empírica voltada à análise de narrativas telejornalísticas, presentes nas emissoras Globo e Record entre 2010 e 2013. Definiu-se nas imagens e narrativas telejornalísticas o corpus dessa pesquisa, por seu alcance e distribuição, além de referência, audiência e preferência popular entre os diversos veículos de comunicação no Brasil e no mundo.

Focusing on the works of Christopher Marlowe (1564-93), this thesis explores the complex engagement of popular drama with the political and religious writing of the Elizabethan fin de siècle. It focuses on the five plays by Marlowe that feature royal protagonists: 1-2 Tamburlaine (1587), Dido, Queen of Carthage (1588), Edward II (1592), and The Massacre at Paris (1593). By interpreting each play in its immediate political context, it shows that Marlowe did not deal with monarchy in the abstract but responded to current affairs - from the incursions of the Ottoman Empire to the threat of the Spanish Armada, from the conspiracy claims of Catholic polemic to the debate surrounding England's involvement in continental warfare. The introduction situates the thesis in the critical and historiographical context relating to Marlowe and to the relationship between literature and politics in the early modern period; it provides the justification for reading Marlowe's plays as topical statements. Chapter One looks at 1-2 Tamburlaine in the light of contemporary attitudes to the Ottoman-Safavid War. Chapter Two shows that Dido, Queen of Carthage adapted the stories and tropes of polemic to reflect fears of Catholic conspiracy and Spanish invasion. Chapter Three reads Edward II as a creative response to the print war of 1591-2, which centred on the moral character of the queen's closest counsellors. Chapter Four proposes that Marlowe's final play, The Massacre at Paris, employed arguments drawn from Reason of State to influence decisions at the 1593 Parliament. The thesis concludes by suggesting that despite Marlowe's reputation as a radical overreacher, his drama displays considerable sympathy for the monarchs who must rule precariously and without the option of private happiness.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-02Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:27:33Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 esteves_gmf_me_assis.pdf: 595118 bytes, checksum: 0554c6e3d5286bafc20e44f2e6d50856 (MD5) / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / A partir de estudos sobre a criação e permanência do reino Visigodo na Hispânia, séculos V a VII, procuramos trabalhar com um curto período, final da segunda metade do século VI e a primeira do VII, com atenção dirigida em especial a dois objetos: a Religiosidade e a Monarquia. Como fonte principal da pesquisa, teremos nossa análise voltada à Hagiografia da Vida e Martírio de São Desidério escrita pelo monarca que governou a Hispânia dentre os anos de 612 a 621, o rei Sisebuto. Ver nesta fonte um testemunho das relações de poder político em sua imbricação com o sagrado, ou seja, com o cristianismo, pode-nos mostrar como Sisebuto utilizou-se da Vita mais para suas circunstâncias ideológicas e políticas, legitimando seu poder, do que para o santo mesmo, tornando-se este último, e sua santidade, mais um coadjuvante que um protagonista / Starting from studies of the creation and permanence of the Visigothic kingdom in Hispania, centuries V-VII, we work with a short period, final of the second half of the VI century and the first half of VII century, with special attention to two objects: The Religiosity and the Monarchy. As the main source of the research we will have our analysis turned to Hagiography of the Life and Martyrdom of Saint Desiderius, wrote by the monarch that governed the Hispânia by the years of 612 to 621, king Sisebut. See in this source a testimony of the relationships of political power in its relation with the sacred (Christianity) can show us like Sisebut used the Vita more for his ideological and political circumstances, legitimating his power, for the life’s saint properly, becoming this last one, and his sanctity, more a coactive that a protagonist

Orientador: Ruy de Oliveira Andrade Filho / Banca: Heloisa Costa Milton / Banca: Giulia Crippa / Resumo: Analisamos, nesta pesquisa, as formas como a traição era representada na sociedade feudal francesa do século XIII, através da Canção de Gesta Renaut de Montauban. A narrativa deste poema trata da revolta de Reinaldo, ajudado pelos seus irmãos e pelo primo Maugis, contra o imperador Carlos Magno e a longa guerra travada até a obtenção do perdão imperial. Com isto, nos vemos confrontados com a violação dos laços de fidelidade entre o vassalo e seu senhor e os julgamentos morais de uma aristocracia cavaleiresca francesa em crise, diante do efetivo aumento do poder real capetíngio. Como não podia combater o monarca, a aristocracia incentivava a difusão de formas literárias nas quais defendia a sua ideologia, baseada nos laços vassálicos e numa visão idealizada do passado. Também procuramos verificar como se consolidou a terminologia utilizada para nomear a "traição", no Ocidente medieval, baseada na Bíblia latina, em especial nos Evangelhos e no episódio da entrega de Jesus por Judas Iscariótes, cuja herança perdura até nossos dias. / Abstract: It's been analyzed, in this research, the forms how treason was represented in the French feudal society of the thirteenth century through Song of Geste Renaut de Montauban. The narrative of this poem deals with Renaut's revolt, helped by his brothers and cousin Maugis, against the emperor Charles the Great and the long lasting war until reaching the imperial forgiveness. Hereby, we find ourselves facing the violation of loyalty bonds between the vassal and his master and the moral judgments of a French chivalry aristocracy in crisis, before the effective increase of the Capetingian royal power. Not being able to fight the monarch, the aristocracy would encourage the diffusion of literary forms in which it would stand up to its ideology, based on vassal bonds and an idealized view of the past. We've also tried to verify how the terminology used to relate "treason" was consolidated in the medieval Occident, based on the Latin Bible, especially on the gospel and the passage of Judas Iscariot handing over Jesus and whose heritage lasts to the present days. / Mestre

Esta dissertação centra-se no legado de Militão Augusto de Azevedo (1837-1905) com o objetivo de desvendar as diferentes maneiras que tal fotógrafo representou o processo de modernização ocorrido nas últimas décadas do século XIX no Brasil e, especialmente, em São Paulo. Tomando a especificidade de sua profissão, buscou-se apresentar a maneira com que uma rede de relações sociais foi tecida em torno desta personagem. Estes vínculos permitem notar qual foi o lugar angariado por Militão naquela sociedade; tal posição marcaria de modo perene as percepções do fotógrafo acerca dos processos de mudança que vivenciou. A análise dos documentos de Militão, particularmente suas fotografias e cartas, configura uma polissemia de significados a respeito das transformações ocorridas na cidade de São Paulo a partir da década de 1860, e na política brasileira, após a Proclamação da República. Desta forma, as observações da personagem a respeito de seu mundo em mudança asseveram que, menos do que coladas ao progresso, as representações do fotógrafo formam um amálgama de temporalidades desencontradas, que se imbricam e se tensionam. / This dissertation is focused on the inheritance of a photographer called Militão Augusto de Azevedo (1837-1905). Its goal is to investigate the different sorts of his representation of the modernizations process in the last decades of the 19th century in Brazil, and, especially in the city of São Paulo. Considering the particularity of his profession, this text presents the net of social relations built around this photographer. These bonds lead us to realize the place of Militão in that society, and, how such position would mark perennially his perceptions about the process of changes which he had witnessed. The analysis of Mititãos documents, especially his photographs and letters, figures as a polysemy of meanings about the transformations occurred in the city of São Paulo since 1860 and in the Brazilian politics after the Republics Proclamation. In such a way, the comments of the character on his changing world asseverate that, less than directly related to the progress, his representations mix different temporalities, which overlap and tension themselves.

A Cripta Imperial, no Monumento à Independência, localizado às margens do riacho Ipiranga, em São Paulo, foi construída em 1952 para abrigar os remanescentes humanos dos monarcas responsáveis pela Proclamação da Independência do Brasil. O imperador D. Pedro I foi trasladado para São Paulo em 1972, e sua primeira esposa, a Imperatriz D. Maria Leopoldina de Habsburgo-Lorena, em 1954. Em 1982, recebeu os despojos da segunda esposa de D. Pedro I, a Imperatriz D. Amélia de Beauharnais Leuchtenberg. Por muitos anos, o Monumento à Independência foi um dos principais monumentos do país, sendo visitado por vários chefes de Estado que passavam pela capital paulista. Entretanto, apesar de reformas feitas no final dos anos de 1990 e início dos anos 2000, o local sofre há décadas com a infiltração de água, causada pelo relevo natural do terreno em que se encontra e também pela falta de manutenção. Hoje é comum os visitantes não acreditarem que os remanescentes humanos dos primeiros imperadores do Brasil estejam inumados no local. Há até mesmo quem diga que são as cinzas dos monarcas que estão ali. Foi pensando nisso que decidimos fazer este trabalho, buscando respostas sobre esses remanescentes humanos, seu estado de conservação, bem como o do material associado, visando à preservação e possível restauro. / The Imperial Crypt on the Independence Monument, located on the banks of Ipiranga creek in São Paulo city, was built in 1952 to house the human remains of the monarchs responsible for the Proclamation of Independence of Brazil. Emperor Dom Pedro I was transferred from Portugal to São Paulo in 1972 and his first wife, Empress Dona Maria Leopoldina von Habsburg-Lorraine, was transferred in 1954. In 1982 it received the remains of the second wife of Dom Pedro I, the Empress Dona Amélia de Beauharnais-Leuchtenberg. For several years, the Independence Monument was one of the main monuments in the country, visited by many heads of State who passed through the capital of São Paulo State. However, despite reformations made between late 1990 and early 2000, the site suffered for decades with infiltration of water, caused by natural site relief and also by lack of maintenance. It is common now visitors don\'t believe that the human remains of the first emperors of Brazil are buried in the site. There are even those who say that just the ashes of the monarchs are there. By thinking about that we decided to do this work, seeking answers about human remains of the Emperors, their conservation status, as well as the associated material aiming to preserve and possible restoration.