Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2005-05-19Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:34:23Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 arias_aam_me_assis.pdf: 328561 bytes, checksum: 9e5b6608bd0b9757b92cf7b20a4186ea (MD5) / Analisamos, nesta pesquisa, as formas como a traição era representada na sociedade feudal francesa do século XIII, através da Canção de Gesta Renaut de Montauban. A narrativa deste poema trata da revolta de Reinaldo, ajudado pelos seus irmãos e pelo primo Maugis, contra o imperador Carlos Magno e a longa guerra travada até a obtenção do perdão imperial. Com isto, nos vemos confrontados com a violação dos laços de fidelidade entre o vassalo e seu senhor e os julgamentos morais de uma aristocracia cavaleiresca francesa em crise, diante do efetivo aumento do poder real capetíngio. Como não podia combater o monarca, a aristocracia incentivava a difusão de formas literárias nas quais defendia a sua ideologia, baseada nos laços vassálicos e numa visão idealizada do passado. Também procuramos verificar como se consolidou a terminologia utilizada para nomear a traição, no Ocidente medieval, baseada na Bíblia latina, em especial nos Evangelhos e no episódio da entrega de Jesus por Judas Iscariótes, cuja herança perdura até nossos dias. / It's been analyzed, in this research, the forms how treason was represented in the French feudal society of the thirteenth century through Song of Geste Renaut de Montauban. The narrative of this poem deals with Renaut's revolt, helped by his brothers and cousin Maugis, against the emperor Charles the Great and the long lasting war until reaching the imperial forgiveness. Hereby, we find ourselves facing the violation of loyalty bonds between the vassal and his master and the moral judgments of a French chivalry aristocracy in crisis, before the effective increase of the Capetingian royal power. Not being able to fight the monarch, the aristocracy would encourage the diffusion of literary forms in which it would stand up to its ideology, based on vassal bonds and an idealized view of the past. We've also tried to verify how the terminology used to relate treason was consolidated in the medieval Occident, based on the Latin Bible, especially on the gospel and the passage of Judas Iscariot handing over Jesus and whose heritage lasts to the present days.

This dissertation seeks to interpret Gideon's response in Judg 8:23 and Jotham's fable in Judg 9:7-15 within the context of the book of Judges. The book of Judges has recently been seen as an apology for the Davidic monarchy. Studies that have advocated this perspective have focused on the prologue (Judg 1:1-3:6) and epilogue (Judg 17-21) where there appears to be a focus on the tribe of Judah and an explicitly pro-monarchial refrain. These studies have largely neglected Gideon's response and Jotham's fable, which have been described by some scholars as two of the most anti-monarchial texts in the entire Old Testament. This dissertation analyzes both the book of Judges as a whole and these two texts in particular, with the aim of establishing the notion that the book of Judges contains a coherent message concerning monarchy from start to finish. Chapter 1 establishes the methodology used in the present study. The methodology employed is a literary-exegetical and theological analysis of the text from a synchronic perspective. Chapter 2 surveys the history of interpretation of the book of Judges with a focus on Gideon's response and Jotham's fable. Chapter 3 places the composition of the book within its life-setting arguing that the book was likely composed during David's early reign. Chapter 4 looks at the ideology of monarchy within the entirety of the book of Judges. Chapter 5 provides a detailed literary analysis of the plot of the Gideon narrative and the characterization of Gideon. This is done to establish the Gideon is an unreliable character and that his response in 8:23 cannot be considered as a theological axiom that is to be trusted. Chapter 6 provides a detailed literary analysis of the plot of the Abimelech narrative along with a discussion of the characterization of both Jotham and Abimelech. This chapter argues that the purpose of Jotham's fable is to serve as a curse against Abimelech and the lords of Shechem and is not anti-monarchial in nature. Chapter 7 provides a summary of the contents of the dissertation with final reflecting thoughts.

A pesquisa A Monarquia Portuguesa na Obra de Alexandre Herculano analisa a construção do modelo ideal de monarca por Alexandre Herculano, com especial ênfase na produção histórica em que os monarcas portugueses foram retratados com maior riqueza de detalhes e analisados de forma mais criteriosa. A pesquisa se dá a partir da conjuntura histórica portuguesa marcada pelo estabelecimento do Estado Liberal e pelos debates entre os diferentes grupos políticos em que a participação dos intelectuais é um ponto relevante. No tocante a Alexandre Herculano, o envolvimento do autor em diversas polêmicas e articulações políticas é uma evidência da importância e da atuação da intelligentsia na sociedade portuguesa do século XIX. Ao lado da conjuntura histórica na qual a obra de Herculano foi produzida, o universo conceitual forjado pelo autor com fundamento nos pressupostos teóricos e políticos também foi contemplado, pois o modelo de monarca construído pelo autor foi elaborado a partir deste universo conceitual que, conforme os pressupostos teóricos empregados nesta pesquisa atuam e interferem nos debates contemporâneos à obra. / The research The Portuguese Monarchy in Alexandre Herculanos work analyses the building of the monarchs ideal model (by Alexandre Herculano) especially focusing on the historical production on which the Portuguese monarchs were detailedly portrayed and discerningly analysed. Considering the Portuguese historical conjuncture marked not only by the establishment of the Liberal State but also by the debates among the different political groups in which the intellectuals partaking is relevant. Concerning Alexandre Herculano, the authors involvement in several debates and political articulations is an evidence of the intelligentsias outstanding role in the Portuguese society of the nineteenth century. Along with the historical context in which Herculanos work was produced, the conceptual universe created by the author reasoned on theoretical and political assumptions was also considered because the monarchs model built by the author was created from this universe of concepts that, according to the theoretical assumptions used in this research, act and expand their sphere of influence towards the contemporary debates to his work.

O presente estudo tem por objetivo avaliar o alcance das medidas reformadoras do bispo D. Antônio Joaquim de Melo em relação à moralização do clero paulista, entre os anos 1850 e 1875. Para tanto, empregou-se como objeto de análise os crimes cometidos por eclesiásticos e discursos dos presidentes de província pertinentes à esfera em foco. Dado que, no período abarcado pela pesquisa, vigorava o regime do padroado, a Igreja católica integrava a vida da sociedade em aspectos além dos puramente religiosos, assim, parte-se do pressuposto de que a moralização dos eclesiásticos era um dos grandes anseios das elites paulistas. Com isso, estabelece-se um panorama em que as transformações econômicas advindas do crescimento da produção do café e, consequentemente, de práticas econômicas de feições capitalistas são motivações políticas para o recrudescimento de posturas públicas mais austeras em relação aos costumes e à moralidade da sociedade paulista. / The present study aims to assess the extent of the reform measures of the Bishop Antônio Joaquim de Melo in relation to the moralization of the clergy São Paulo between the years 1850 and 1875. For this purpose, we used as the object of analysis the crimes committed by priests and speeches of Presidents of the Province pertaining to the ecclesiastical sphere. Since the period covered by the survey in force the regime of Padroado, the Catholic Church was part of the life of society inaddition to the purely religious aspects. It starts with the assumption that the moralization of the church was one of the major concerns of the São Paulo elite. This sets up a picture in which the economic changes resulting from the growth of coffee production, and consequently the features of capitalist economic practices are political motivations behind the upsurge of public positions in relation to stricter customs and morality of São Paulos society.

Partindo da existência de uma fidalguia coletiva na região basca de Biscaia, ratificada juridicamente pela monarquia de Carlos V (1527) através da aprovação do conjunto de leis conhecido como Foro Novo, nos perguntamos: como esse fenômeno produziu-se? Quais os agenciamentos discursivos envolvidos em sua emergência? Sendo assim, recorremos a um estudo genealógico não-linear que abrangesse tal processo. Para tanto, utilizamos séries documentais tocantes à sociedade biscainha a partir século XV - especialmente - por meio das quais verificamos a passagem de uma sociedade assimétrica (regulamentada pelo Foro Velho - 1452) para a constituição fidalga em nível territorial. Além disso, não tomamos a fidalguia biscainha como um estatuto petrificado, mas nos preocupamos em analisar seu uso, funcionamento, articulações e produções de saber até inícios do século XVII no contexto monárquico. / Starting by the existence of a collective nobility in the Basque region of Biscay, juridically confirmed by the emperor Carlos V (1527) through the approval of a set of laws known as Fuero Nuevo, we have inquired: How this phenomenon was produced? Which agencies were used for its emergency? In this sense, we have resorted to a non-linear genealogical study, which comprehends that process. To do that, it has been selected documents related to the Biscayan society from the 15th century principally - through which it was verified the transformation from an asymmetric society (regulated by the Fuero Viejo 1452) to the noble constitution in this territoriality. Besides that, we do not understand the Biscayan nobility as a petrified statute, so we were concerned in analyzing its use, operation, articulations and knowledge productions until the beginning of 17th century in the monarchical context.

The process of nation-building in nineteenth century Canada involved the production of national symbols which could transcend sub-national loyalties, such as class, gender, ethnic, and religious identities, and unite the residents of the Canadian nation. While the symbols were many and varied, in this study I analyse the manner in which the Canadian state and civil society used royal ceremonies and representations to define and unify the Canadian nation between 1860 and 1911. The study focusses on the Canadian observances of Queen Victoria's Golden and Diamond Jubilees, her Memorial Services, the Coronation and Memorial Services of Edward VII, the Coronation of George V, and the royal visits of the Prince of Wales (Edward VII) in 1860 and the Duke of Cornwall and York (George V) in 1901. Regarding society and social relations as neither static nor fixed, but multiple and contradictory, I use the concept of cultural hegemony combined with elements from the "new" cultural history to examine the complex nature of power, identity, and royal representation in the nation-building process. Specifically, I argue that male members of the middle class articulated representations of themselves, women, the upper and lower classes, and the monarchy in order to legitimise their social authority and consolidate themselves as a cultural hegemony in the new national society. In turn, women and the upper and working classes resisted these representations with images of their own designed to empower themselves. The traditional elite claimed public and royal affirmation of their leadership; women and the working class sought an equal place in the nation. Complicating matters, however, were ethnic and religious identities which impinged upon class and gender loyalties and further altered the nature of royal representation and the formation and negotiation of a cultural hegemony. French Canadians, Irish Catholics, Jews, African and Asian Canadians, and the Peoples of the First Nations added their voices—and imagery—to the process of nation-building as each articulated representations of the monarchy in order to counter the dominant interpretations emanating from Protestants and whites. By doing so, they sought to either negotiate themselves a place within a wider hegemony or demand that their rights—and their place within the Canadian nation—be respected. Royal ceremonies and representations, then, were not trivial events in Canadian history. They comprised a fundamental feature in national imagery and played a vital part in the building of the Canadian nation. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

Diploma thesis "Comparision of roles of Juan Carlos and Simeon II. in democratic transition and question of monarchy and monarchism in Spain and Bulgaria" deals with democratic transition and question of monarchy in two concrete countries that I chose: in Spain and in Bulgaria.I confront king of Spain Juan Carlos and former tsar Simeon II. in the process of democratic transition and way they solve problems with acceptance or exclusion of monarchy. Both countries are similar in one issue: duration of monarchy was interrupted for a very long time by undemocratic regime. In the text is described, how a big role can enact one key person within political system, how its positive and concrete outcomes or committed errors could bring acceptance or exclusion of monarchy. The text is divided into historical part and present.

Mercurino Arborio di Gattinara (1465-1530) est un homme d’État et cardinal piémontais du début du XVIe siècle. Entré au service de Marguerite d’Autriche, duchesse de Savoie, puis de son père, l’empereur Maximilien Ier de Habsbourg, il est dès lors fidèle à cette famille qu’il sert en tant que juriste, conseiller et diplomate. En 1518, il devient le grand chancelier de tous les territoires que Charles Quint a réunis sous son autorité. Chargé par conséquent d’administrer un empire européen, mosaïque de royaumes et principautés morcelés, Gattinara nourrit son action en élaborant l’idée d’une monarchie universelle, directement inspirée de l’Empire romain, dont le Habsbourg serait le monarque unique, le pasteur chargé par Dieu de garantir la paix en Europe et de défendre la république chrétienne. En son cœur, l’Italie, ce « jardin de l’Empire ». Alors, mythe ou réalité ? Simple rhétorique ou véritable politique ? Ce travail entend montrer deux choses. D’une part que l’Empire n’est pas seulement un fantôme qui ressurgit avec l’avènement de Charles Quint, mais qu’il est encore profondément ancré dans les réalités italiennes et que Gattinara a pu s’appuyer sur les ressorts qu’il offrait pour mettre en place sa politique. D’autre part que la monarchie universelle du chancelier n’est pas seulement pure rhétorique, destinée à fournir à l’empire du Habsbourg une propagande et une idéologie commune, mais qu’elle devait également s’accomplir car elle faisait partie d’un schéma divin bien plus large. Le projet de Gattinara n’a en effet pas pour cadre uniquement l’empire de Charles Quint, il prend place dans la conception d’une histoire et d’une vision du monde ordonnée par Dieu et dans laquelle chacun est destiné à tenir le rôle qui lui a été confié. / Mercurino Arborio di Gattinara (1465-1530) is a Piedmontese statesman and cardinal of the early sixteenth century. He entered the service of Margaret of Austria, Duchess of Savoy, then his father, Emperor Maximilian I of Habsburg, and became faithful to this family he serves as a lawyer, adviser and diplomat. In 1518, he became the grand chancellor of all the territories that Charles V united under his authority. Responsible for administering a European empire, mosaic of kingdoms and divided principalities, Gattinara nourishes his action by developing the idea of a universal monarchy, directly inspired by the Roman Empire, of which the Habsburg would be the single monarch, the pastor entrusted by God to guarantee peace in Europe and to defend the Christian republic. He placed Italy at its heart, as "garden of the Empire". So, myth or reality? Simple rhetoric or real politics? This thesis aims to show two things. On the one hand that the Empire is not only a ghost that resurfaced with the advent of Charles V, but that it is still deeply rooted in the Italian realities and that Gattinara was able to rely on the springs that he offered to set up his policy. On the other hand, the Chancellor's universal monarchy is not only pure rhetoric, intended to provide the Habsburg Empire with propaganda and a common ideology, but it must also be fulfilled because it was part of a Divine pattern much wider. The project of Gattinara does not have as a framework only the empire of Charles V, it takes place in the conception of a history and a vision of the world ordained by God and in which each one is destined to take the role which has been entrusted to him.

This dissertation represents an investigation into the changing nature of political power during the final 133 years of the Neo-Assyrian Empire, seeking to understand how power functioned within the Assyrian system through studying the careers of its imperial administrators. How was power distributed between the king and his officials? What sort of relationships existed between officials and the king, and with each other? How did Assyrian officials’ careers progress? Finally, to what extent did the above shape the political history of the Neo-Assyrian Empire? To answer these questions, this dissertation utilizes a combination of old and new approaches. Close readings of primary source documents are combined with aggregate analysis and insights from the fields of social network analysis and organizational communication. Rejecting most previous efforts at studying Assyrian imperial organization as too reliant on hierarchical models of organization, this study utilizes tools such as a Communicative Constitution of Organizations framework and Leader-Member Exchange Theory, which emphasize the importance of informal structure and interpersonal relationships in studying human organizations. Through a social network analysis of 3,864 letters which survive from the years 745-612 BC, it identifies especially influential officials during the reign of each king as well as long term changes over time in communications patterns and the types of officials who achieved prominence. This dissertation argues that Sargon II initiated a wide-ranging reform of the imperial administration, seeking to centralize power in the person of the king and the royal family through greatly expanding the number of provincial governors and other officials who reported directly to the king. These reforms increased the importance of informal hierarchy, as a few officials who managed to build close working relationships with the king could wield significant power. Sargon’s reforms structured the empire in such a way as to promote intense competition between officials for status, both between individuals and between the rival sectors of provincial government, palace administration, and the major temples. However, this competition had unintended consequences: the large number of persons writing to the king made it more difficult for the king to acquire accurate information about conditions in the empire. Essentially a prisoner of the information being provided to them, Assyrian monarchs of the seventh century tried a variety of methods to solve this problem, including employing special agents to provide an independent source of information, consulting experts in divination to check the loyalties of their subjects, and implementing public oaths which enjoined the entire population to inform the king of potentially disloyal elements. None of these attempts were successful, and the problem of information likely contributed to a weakening of imperial control over the course of the seventh century, culminating the dramatic collapse of the empire in 612 BC.

This thesis deals with the origins of the modern prison system in czech lands at the first third of the 19th century. At first, the theoretical part of the thesis presents the opinions of the authors of existing literature. Afterthen it concentrates at the most famous reformers of criminal law and prison system. In the end it describes the criminal justice system and prison in Habsburg Monarchy. Practical part of the thesis is divided into three parts - punishment, prison and prisoner. The first part deals with the concept of the punishment and its purpose. It presents and analyzes crimes and punishments. The second part is focused on the prison and its functions. Was the purpose of the prison to punish or also to correct the prisoner? Which instruments served to correction of the prisoner? The thesis also compares the functioning of the prison and the other institution of detention - the workhouse. The last part is searching for the answers on this questions: How should the prison act on the prisoner's soul and body? What part did the punishments play within the prison and how should they be realized? The aim of the thesis is to try to capture, how did the new concepts of imprisonment show in the praxis of prison and how they act on organization of prison. Key words: punishment, prison, prisoner,...