Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:27:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Joao Claudio Rufino Rodrigues Silva.pdf: 647186 bytes, checksum: 4a4ff7a402978e975fb5323362ba6ef9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-26 / This dissertation aims to present an exegetical study of a legislative text on Pentateuch: Dt 17,14-20, the law of the king . It follows the style of commentary. The research advances with the biblical tradition in question. In each one of the three chapters there are two kinds of investigations: first, a linguistic and literary study which includes translation, morphological analysis; second, a theological and historical commentary which utilizes researches about de cultural ambient, theological and literary motifs present in the Pentateuch and in the deuteronomistic work. In all this paper is shown the the Ancient Near East influence in the law of the king and in what it is different from its context. Israel has the permission to establish one king over himself. But to do it they need to follow some prescriptions. Either the king must to do it for there three prohibitions to him. He cannot multiply horses, women and healthy. Even more, he must to copy the law, read it practice it every day. And doing this his heart will not lift up upon his brothers / A presente dissertação tem como objetivo apresentar um estudo exegético de um texto legislativo do Pentateuco: Dt 17,14-20, a lei do rei . Seguindo o estilo comentário, a pesquisa avança junto à tradição bíblica em questão a partir da leitura sincrônica. Em cada um dos capítulos, são realizadas pelo menos dois tipos de investigação, a saber: em primeiro lugar, um estudo estilístico-literário, que compreende a tradução, as variantes textuais e a análise morfológico-sintática; em segundo, um comentário histórico-teológico, que se serve de pesquisas referentes ao ambiente cultural, os temas ou motifs literário-teológicos presentes no Pentateuco, sobretudo no Deuteronômio, e na Obra Histórica Deuteronomista. Ao longo do estudo será possível constatar que a legislação de Israel sobre um rei é inovadora em alguns aspectos dentro do ambiente no qual ela foi escrita, o Antigo Oriente Próximo, e, ao mesmo tempo, influenciada por ele. Israel tem a permissão de querer estabelecer sobre si um rei. Para isso precisa seguir algumas prescrições. Ademais, o rei deve obedecer algumas normas. A dissertação mostrará que até mesmo a figura do rei está submetida a lei do SENHOR Deus. Sérias restrições são feitas a sua atuação, ele não pode multiplicar cavalos, mulheres e nem prata e ouro. Mais ainda, o monarca deve fazer uma cópia da Torá para si, le-la todos os dias, pratica-la. O que fará com que ele tema ao SENHOR e não exalte o seu coração acima dos seus irmãos

La thèse étudie les sources de la pensée de dom Guéranger, le célèbre abbé de Solesmes, sa formation initiale et ses motivations quand il restaure le monachisme bénédictin en France au début du XIXe siècle. Les travaux sur la liturgie qui l’ont rendu célèbre font partie d’un ensemble : le jeune Prosper Guéranger appartient à cette génération de clercs dits « ultramontains » qui entre en résistance contre l’État français qui entend annexer l’Église gallicane. Membre actif du cercle mennaisien avec ses amis Montalembert et Lacordaire, Guéranger propose le monachisme bénédictin comme moyen de renouveau spirituel de l’Église : la fondation de l’abbaye de Solesmes est un projet politique qui doit permettre la régénération de l’Église et même de la société tout entière. Ce courant a des ramifications en Europe et spécialement en Angleterre avec le mouvement d’Oxford : Newman et Guéranger puisent aux mêmes sources dans les mêmes années pour relever des défis similaires. Le projet monastique de Guéranger s’apparente par certains aspects aux utopies d’inspiration romantique qui fleurissent à la même époque mais c’est surtout le centralisme romain revendiqué et la dimension eschatologique de la vie monastique, manifestée dans la liturgie, qui en fait un moyen de résistance spirituelle. Guéranger appartient à un mouvement général qui explore les sources de l’Antiquité chrétienne afin de permettre à l’Église de retrouver son identité fondamentale et les moyens de sa mission. / The thesis investigates the sources of the thinking of the famous abbot of Solesmes, analyzing his initial training and motivation when he restores Benedictine monasticism in France in the early nineteenth century. His liturgical work that made him famous is part of a whole: the young Prosper Guéranger belongs to that generation of clerics called "ultramontane" who resists the French State attempt to annex the Gallican Church. As an active member of the Mennaisian circle with his friends Montalembert and Lacordaire, Guéranger presents Benedictine monasticism as a means of spiritual renewal for the Church: the foundation of Solesmes abbey is a political project which should enable the regeneration of the Church and even of society as a whole. This current has branches in Europe and especially in England with the Oxford Movement: Newman and Guéranger draw on the same sources in the same years for similar challenges. Guéranger’s monastic project is similar in some respects to some utopias of romantic inspiration that bloom at the same time but it’s especially the Roman centralism and claimed eschatological dimension of monastic life, manifested in the liturgy, which makes Solesmes a means of spiritual resistance. Guéranger belongs to a general movement that explores the sources of Christian antiquity in order to allow the Church to regain its fundamental identity and the means of its mission.

On Violence and Tyranny examines historiography as a vehicle for the production of a theory of tyrannicide in the aftermath of the murder of Pedro I de Castilla (1369). The thesis of this work is that by considering the royal chronicle as a vehicle and locus for political theorization, we can appreciate the formulation of a theory of tyrannicide as a medium for dynastic legitimation that is not reducible to political propaganda. Rather, it becomes a meditation about monarchy itself, the limits of power, and the underlying causes and consequences of political violence. The chronicle of the king Pedro's rule conceives an economy of violence coded in terms of saber (political wisdom), justice and the law, as a means to face the ideological, political, and social challenges that civil war and regicide pose to a community. I will focus on two fragments of the chronicle, a pair of letters attributed to a wise Moor that the chronicler chose to include in a second stage of his composition and that establish extra textual connections to other political genres such as the specula principum and political prophecy. Through them, I will explore how a theory of tyrannicide allows the chronicler to confront three major problems that regicide poses. First, how to explicate the dynastic break that king Pedro’s murder brought about, and minimize the discontinuity that the advent of a new, and illegitimate, dynasty (the Trastámaras) represented for a historical tradition that deeply valued the continuity of history. Second, how a theory of tyrannicide served to repair the broken ties provoked by the civil war. And third, how to represent that founding violence, the violence against a sovereign, to render it legitimate, but not available for anyone else to exploit.

No description available.

A pesquisa A Monarquia Portuguesa na Obra de Alexandre Herculano analisa a construção do modelo ideal de monarca por Alexandre Herculano, com especial ênfase na produção histórica em que os monarcas portugueses foram retratados com maior riqueza de detalhes e analisados de forma mais criteriosa. A pesquisa se dá a partir da conjuntura histórica portuguesa marcada pelo estabelecimento do Estado Liberal e pelos debates entre os diferentes grupos políticos em que a participação dos intelectuais é um ponto relevante. No tocante a Alexandre Herculano, o envolvimento do autor em diversas polêmicas e articulações políticas é uma evidência da importância e da atuação da intelligentsia na sociedade portuguesa do século XIX. Ao lado da conjuntura histórica na qual a obra de Herculano foi produzida, o universo conceitual forjado pelo autor com fundamento nos pressupostos teóricos e políticos também foi contemplado, pois o modelo de monarca construído pelo autor foi elaborado a partir deste universo conceitual que, conforme os pressupostos teóricos empregados nesta pesquisa atuam e interferem nos debates contemporâneos à obra. / The research The Portuguese Monarchy in Alexandre Herculanos work analyses the building of the monarchs ideal model (by Alexandre Herculano) especially focusing on the historical production on which the Portuguese monarchs were detailedly portrayed and discerningly analysed. Considering the Portuguese historical conjuncture marked not only by the establishment of the Liberal State but also by the debates among the different political groups in which the intellectuals partaking is relevant. Concerning Alexandre Herculano, the authors involvement in several debates and political articulations is an evidence of the intelligentsias outstanding role in the Portuguese society of the nineteenth century. Along with the historical context in which Herculanos work was produced, the conceptual universe created by the author reasoned on theoretical and political assumptions was also considered because the monarchs model built by the author was created from this universe of concepts that, according to the theoretical assumptions used in this research, act and expand their sphere of influence towards the contemporary debates to his work.

A traição é um tema que temos estudado já faz algum tempo, utilizando como fontes as Canções de Gesta, um gênero literário poético corrente nas regiões que compunham o reino da França, entre o século XI e o século XV. O período áureo dessa poesia coincidiu com o governo da dinastia conhecida como dos Capetos diretos, cujo reinado e sucessão de pai para filho persistiu sem interrupção de 987 até 1328. Criadas e difundidas nos diversos senhorios territoriais da França, em especial no norte do reino, as Canções de Gesta tratavam em seus enredos de vários problemas de ordem moral e política vigentes na época. Em uma sociedade cuja coesão, ao menos na sua camada governante, era baseada na fidelidade e na criação de laços vassálicos, a traição constituía uma grave ameaça à estabilidade e à paz. Tanto a moral cristã quanto a moral cavaleiresca condenavam quem a praticasse, mas isso não evitou a sua constante ocorrência. Estudamos cinco poemas épicos: a Chanson de Roland (c. 1100), o Girart de Vienne (1180-1185), o Renaut de Montauban (início do século XIII), o Gaydon (1230- 1240) e o Jehan de Lançon (metade do século XIII). O Roland, sendo o mais antigo desses poemas, apresenta um monarca respeitado e difere dos poemas posteriores, cujos enredos valorizam os personagens conhecidos desde o século XIX como Vassalos Rebeldes. Da análise da traição nessa poesia e da relação entre vassalos e o rei pudemos extrair alguns pontos importantes. De início o ligado à questão vocabular, pois traïson / traïtre / traïr designam um dos mais graves crimes ali descritos, graças a sua ligação com a tradição neotestamentária da entrega de Jesus por Judas Iscariotis, suplantando outros termos de origem latina ou não (proditio, felonie). Nas Canções, a traição é dirigida primeiramente contra os barões e cavaleiros sendo os seus executores da mesma condição social de suas vítimas. Só tardiamente ela denomina um atentado contra o monarca. Outro ponto é a defesa, nos poemas, do direito à guerra ao senhor caso este não cumprisse suas obrigações de justiça para com seu vassalo. Assim, os heróis em luta contra Carlos Magno não eram mostrados pelo poeta como traidores e sim como vítimas de uma perseguição. Esses cavaleiros conservavam o respeito pelo seu senhor e aspiravam ser perdoados e reintegrados à corte régia. A responsabilidade pelas traições era direcionada para uma linhagem específica, a de Ganelon, responsável pelo desastre de Roncesvales na Chanson de Roland. Mas se aqui a traição fora um crime individual, desde fim do século XII há um trabalho de readaptação no qual o fato de se pertencer a essa família já tornava o personagem passível de ser um traidor. As suas traições podiam ir da falsa acusação até ao envenenamento de outros personagens. A prova da traição se dava frequentemente através do duelo judicial e os culpados, além de condenados à morte, podiam ter os corpos destruídos para evitar a ressurreição no final dos tempos. / Treason is a theme that we have been studying for some time, using as sources the Songs of Geste, a poetic genre current in the regions that made up the Frances kingdom, between the eleventh and the fifteenth centuries. That poetrys golden period coincided as the dynasty of government known as the \"direct Capetian\" which reign and father to son succession persisted without interruption from 987 to 1328. Created and disseminated in the various Frances territorial manorials, especially in the northern kingdom, the Songs of Geste treated in their plots of various problems of moral and political force at that time. In a society whose cohesion, at least in its ruling layer, was based on loyalty and creating vassalian ties, treason constituted a serious threat to stability and peace. Both Christian morality as the moral chivalry condemned those who practiced it, but that did not stop their constant occurrence. We studied five epic poems: the Chanson de Roland (C1100), the Girart de Vienne (1180-1185), the Renaut de Montauban (early thirteenth century), the Gaydon (1230-1240) and Jehan de Lançon (half of the century XIII). Roland, is the oldest of those poems, has a respected monarch, and differs from the later poems whose plots value the characters known since the nineteenth century as \"Vassals Rebels\". From the analysis of treason in this poetry and the relationship between vassals and the king, we could draw some important points. Initially the connected to the vocabulary question because traïson / traître / traïr designate one of the most serious crimes described there, thanks to its connection with the neo testamentary tradition of Jesus delivery by Judas Iscariot, supplanting other terms Latin or not (proditio, felonie). In Chansons, the treason is primarily directed against the barons and knights and the executors are of the same social condition of their victims. Only belatedly it calls an attack against the monarch. Another point is the defense, in the poems, from the right to the war to the lord if he does not achieve his justices obligations to his vassal. Thus, the heroes in the fight against Charlemagne were not shown by the poet as traitors but as victims of persecution. Those knights keep respect for their master and aspire to be forgiven and reintegrated to the royal court. Responsibility for treason is directed to a specific lineage, that of Ganelon, responsible for Roncesvales disaster in the Chanson de Roland. But if here the treason was an individual crime, since the end of the twelfth century there is a readjustment work in which the fact of belonging to that family already makes the character capable of being a traitor. Their treasons can go from false accusation to the poisoning of other characters. The proof of treason is often done through the judicial duel and the guilty, beyond sentenced to death, they might have their bodies destroyed to prevent the resurrection at the end of time.

Esta dissertação se propõe a analisar o significado político da concessão de títulos de nobreza no Brasil, de 1808 a 1840, compreendendo, portanto, tanto o período em que o Brasil fazia parte do império português, quanto o Primeiro Reinado e o Período Regencial. Dá-se especial ênfase à estratégia política que norteou as concessões de títulos por d. João e d. Pedro I, incluindo os critérios utilizados por cada um dos monarcas, as características dos títulos concedidos, bem como as pessoas que foram nobilitadas em cada um dos reinados. Desta forma, busca-se evidenciar os diferentes critérios que nortearam as concessões feitas por pai e filho, respondendo, por um lado, a expectativas distintas por parte dos agraciados, e, por outro, a diferentes conjunturas políticas que demandavam a construção de redes de apoio ao monarca em momentos muito específicos. Finalmente, se, de fato, a nobreza se manteve por todo o Império brasileiro, sua permanência, bem como a continuidade, ou não, de outras práticas e instituições até então usuais e a ela direta ou indiretamente vinculadas (algumas delas claramente heranças de Antigo Regime), foram intensamente debatidas durante o Período Regencial. Assim, depois das reformas efetuadas após a abdicação, quando da ascensão do segundo monarca, os títulos continuaram a ser distribuídos, mas, doravante, seguindo expressamente o espírito da Constituição. / This thesis intends to analyze the political meaning of the concession of nobility titles in Brazil, from 1808 to 1840, comprising, thus, both the period during which Brazil was part of the Portuguese Empire as well as the First Reign and the Regency Period. Special emphasis is given to the political strategy that informed the concession of titles by d. João and d. Pedro I, including the criteria employed by each monarch, the characteristics of the titles conceded, as well as the people who were ennobled in each of the reigns. Thereby, the different criteria, which guided the concessions made by father and son, are carefully dealt with, responding, on one hand, to distinct expectations by those bestowed with a title and, on the other hand, to different political situations which demanded the formation of alliances in order to support the monarch in very specific moments. Ultimately, if, in fact, there was a nobility throughout the whole Brazilian Empire, its endurance, as well as the continuity or discontinuity of other customary practices and institutions directly (or indirectly) related to the nobility (some of which were clearly heritages of the Ancien Regime) were fiercely questioned and discussed during the Regency Period. Therefore, following the reforms made after the abdication, upon the rise of the second monarch, the titles kept being distributed, though, hereafter, according explicitly to the spirit of the Constitution.

Entre os anos de 1808 e 1831, a cidade do Rio de Janeiro tornou-se um dos mais fecundos centros operísticos das Américas. Não o fora por acaso. Na primeira década do século XIX, o Teatro de São Carlos, de Lisboa, ainda era tido na Europa como a melhor ópera italiana além dos limites da Itália, e todo o fino cultivo do drama cantado italiano, desenvolvido desde o reinado de Dom João V, se transferiu, em parte, para a então capital do Estado do Brasil, quando a família real portuguesa e membros de sua corte ali se instalaram. Além de importantes autores e executantes europeus, o Rio passou a dispor, em poucos anos, de uma grande casa de ópera, comparada às melhores do Antigo Continente, e nesses pouco mais de vinte anos, cerca de quarenta títulos de óperas diferentes foram ali estreadas, fora as centenas de repetições. Além de ópera, podia-se também ouvir, no Rio desse mesmo período, excelente música sacra na Capela Real, depois Imperial. Para Manuel de Araújo Porto Alegre, esse gênero, \"que encantava os estrangeiros em Roma, era executado com a mesma perfeição, durante a Semana Santa, no Rio de Janeiro\", elogio, diga-se de passagem, endossado pela maior parte dos europeus que tiveram a oportunidade de ouvir tal conjunto musical, como Debret, Freycinet, Graham, Caldcleugh. Tal cultivo excelente da música sacra devia-se, em parte, à existência, ali, de exímios músicos nativos, como José Maurício Nunes Garcia e Pedro Teixeira de Seixas, mas, também, graças ao esforço de Dom João em fazer vir de Portugal, desde a sua chegada, muitos dos músicos que formaram, durante o reinado de Dona Maria I, \"a primeira Capela da Europa, superior inclusive à do Vaticano\", como testemunhou o viajante inglês William Beckford, em 1787. Por outro lado, entre setembro de 1831 e janeiro de 1844, surpreende notar que nenhum espetáculo de ópera completa tenha sido estreado ou sequer encenado no Rio de Janeiro. Como se não bastasse, cerca de dois meses após a abdicação de Dom Pedro I, o governo regencial fez cumprir, com extremo rigor, o orçamento imperial de 1831-1832, praticamente extinguindo a orquestra da Capela Imperial e reduzindo o número de músicos, que chegou a cerca de setenta na época de Dom Pedro I, a menos de trinta integrantes. A reorganização dessa orquestra somente iria ocorrer em maio de 1843, já em pleno segundo reinado. Nenhuma dúvida paira quanto ao fato de que essa depressão musical repentina e ao mesmo tempo duradoura dos anos 1831-1843 tenha uma íntima relação com o interregno de 1831-1840. Porém, nenhum estudo histórico ou musicológico foi realizado até hoje buscando, em meio a eventos de diversas naturezas - social, política e econômica -, estabelecer, com precisão, que fatores mais teriam contribuído para esse fulminante declínio da ópera e da música sacra na capital do Império, em 1831. Igualmente, jamais se explicou por que razão tantos anos, incluindo-se alguns já do segundo reinado, foram necessários para que o Rio de Janeiro voltasse a ter uma atividade musical similar à que tinha antes da partida de Dom Pedro I. Diante disso, procuraremos - acompanhando os moldes de alguns importantes estudos internacionais, os quais, paulatinamente, têm contribuído para a edificação de uma história mais geral da música - abrir não apenas um amplo leque de causas diretas dessa derrocada, como demonstrar que essa parte mais importante da atividade musical no Rio de Janeiro - a produção de te-déuns e óperas - esteve, até então - e desde muito antes do que se imaginava, ainda nos tempos dos Governadores e Vice-Reis -, assim como em Lisboa e em outras capitais européias, intimamente ligada ao simbolismo da figura do soberano, ao status do artifício maravilhoso e sagrado do poder real. E, daí, propor que a fundamental causa da decadência dos dois mais importantes organismos musicais do Rio de Janeiro durante os anos 1831-1843 tenha sido o concomitante enfraquecimento, após a partida de Dom Pedro I, dessa antiga expressão simbólica da monarquia, um ritual de manutenção de um poder real que se efetivava na atividade social de corte, prática recuperada, em parte, entre 1840 e 1841, com a Maioridade e a Coroação, e, cabalmente, em 1843, com o imperial consórcio. / In the years between 1808 and 1831, the city of Rio de Janeiro became one of the most active operatic centers in America. This had not been by chance. In the first decade of the 19th century, the São Carlos Theatre, in Lisbon, was still considered the best Italian opera house in Europe, outside Italy, and all the intense cultivation of the Italian lyric drama, developed since the reign of Dom João V, was, in part, transferred to the capital of the State of Brazil at that time, when the Portuguese royal family, together with members of the court, settled down there. Within a few years, besides important European composers and performers, Rio already had a great opera house which could be compared to the best ones in Europe, and during little more than those twenty years, nearly forty different opera titles were first performed there, not to mention hundreds of repetitions. In the same period, besides opera, it was also possible to listen to excellent sacred music in the Royal Chapel, called Imperial later on. According to Manuel de Araújo Porto Alegre, that kind of music \"which enchanted foreigners in Rome was equally played with the same perfection during the Holy Week in Rio de Janeiro\", a praise, in passing, supported by most of the Europeans who had the opportunity of listening to such a musical ensemble, as Debret, Freycinet, Graham, Caldcleugh and many others. Such an excellent cultivation of sacred music was due not only to the existence, there, of extraordinary native musicians, as José Maurício Nunes Garcia and Pedro Teixeira de Seixas, but also to the effort made by Dom João since his arrival, to fetch from Portugal several of the musicians who, during the reign of Dona Maria I, had formed \"the fist Chapel of Europe, superior to that one in the State of Vatican\", as the English traveller, William Beckford, had testified in 1787. On the other hand, it is a surprise to notice that, between September 1831 and January 1844, no complete opera had been first performed or even staged in Rio de Janeiro. Moreover, about two months after the abdication of Dom Pedro I, the regent government carried out the imperial budget of 1831- 1832 with extreme severity, practically extinguishing the Imperial Chapel Orchestra and reducing the number of musicians that had almost reached seventy, during the time of Dom Pedro I, to less than thirty. The reorganization of that orchestra would only occur on May 1843, in the second reign already. There is no doubt about the fact of that sudden and, at the same time, lasting musical depression of the years 1831-1843 has had a close relationship with the interregnum of 1831-1840. But no historical or musicological research has been accomplished so far, trying, among events of different nature - social, politic, economic -, to establish precisely which other causes had contributed to the extreme decline of opera and sacred music in the capital of the Empire in 1831. Likewise, it has never been explained why so many years, including some in the second reign, were necessary for Rio de Janeiro to have again a musical activity similar to that one before the departure of Dom Pedro I. Thinking of that - following the patterns of some important international researches that have slowly contributed to the edification of a more general history of the music - , we\'ll try not only to open a huge set of direct causes of such a destruction, but also to demonstrate that those most important musical activities in Rio de Janeiro - to produce Te Deum and opera - were since then - and since long before it could be imagined, still in the time of the Governors and Viceroys -, so as in Lisbon and other European capitals, closely connected to the symbolism of the image of the sovereign, to the status of the marvelous and sacred artifice of the royal power. And, from that, to propose that the chief cause of the decline of the two principal musical organisms of Rio de Janeiro, during the years 1831- 1843, had been the concomitant debility, after the departure of Dom Pedro I, of that old symbolic expression of monarchy, a ritual to maintain a royal power which became effective in the social activity of the court, custom recovered, in part, between 1840 and 1841, with the Majority and Coronation of Dom Pedro II, and finally completed with the imperial marriage, in 1843.

The French baroque petit motet was the most prolific genre of seventeenth-century France. In this study, three petits motets, specifically Regina caeli settings of French composers Marc-Antoine Charpentier, Nicolas Bernier and François Couperin are examined with an emphasis on the motets’ historical context in relation to the French monarchy and the Italian concepts that the composers incorporated into each work. All three Regina caeli settings display some Italian compositional techniques of the stile moderno in various degrees and were written in different contextual ecclesiastic milieux. The intersections of, as well as distinctions between, musical ideas of traditional French style and Italian innovations was at the center of music and musical discourse during the baroque period. The French were introduced to Italian style by travelling musicians at the court of France; however, when Louis XIV gave Jean-Baptiste Lully the important position of surintendant de la musique, the idea of an authentic unaltered French sound became prevalent among musicians and critics. Lully, strongest defender of “pure” French style, created a strict environment for musicians at court, and only after his death, did composers gain in freedom. The study suggests that a closer association to Louis XIV permitted musicians to integrate more of the Italian stile moderno techniques than those who did not have this opportunity. Crucial figures of the French monarchy, Louis XIV, Philippe II d’Orléans and the duc de Bourgogne were connected to the three composers central to this project and impacted the outcome of their work. With the musical-historical study of three Regina caeli settings, this project demonstrates the importance of the petit motet genre within the repertoire and the need for additional research to increase the accessibility of this inestimable music

Despite the inherently multivalent nature of images of Napoleon Bonaparte created during the middle of the nineteenth century, scholars often employ only one lens to interpret them: the political context of the age in which they were created. In doing so, they effectively separate these images from the wider art historical narrative. A second—and equally fraught—effect of this tendency is the perpetuation of dominant assumptions that the popularity of his image was due to his status as a “Great Man.” This dissertation examines a subset of mid-century Napoleonic imagery that demonstrates the flawed nature of neglecting other approaches to interpreting these works: depictions of the Emperor’s resurrection. These images frequently portray the Emperor as an inherently democratic, republican, or Populist force that derives its power not from Napoleon’s identity, but from the creativity, commemorative work, or critical thinking of the audience and the French people. This dissertation closely examines these images in their artistic and cultural contexts, applying cultural art historical methodology and close iconographical analysis to works that are either absent from or marginalized in the art historical narrative. In doing so, it reveals Napoleonic resurrection imagery’s potential for commenting on changing social mores that privileged the cultural agency of the French people at mid-century. The underlying argument of this study is that Napoleon was a popular artistic subject not because of his status as a “Great Man,” but because of his endlessly mutable identity. This mutability facilitated the creation of new forms of art and knowledge while allowing the French people to reflect upon their place in the changing cultural and artistic milieu. By demonstrating that this admittedly narrow subset of Napoleonic representation is open to cultural analysis, this dissertation opens up new avenues of inquiry for scholars of the Napoleonic Revival. The first chapter of this study is a largely theoretical examination of Napoleonic “ghosts” and their connection to the strained relationship between fine art and popular culture as well as the masses and “Great Men.” Chapter two analyzes several images in which academically trained artists use Christ-like Napoleonic imagery to engage with the rising cultural and creative agency of the lower classes. The third chapter examines the political implications of the Napoleonic Revival. However, unlike earlier studies, it does so through the lens of the ongoing conflict between cultural narratives passed down from a centralized authority and popular culture that challenges these narratives. In particular, it contrasts the July Monarchy regime’s marginalization of the “real” Napoleon with public enthusiasm for the image of his corpse. Finally, the dissertation considers Paul Delaroche’s Napoleonic series in the context of the shifting locus of artistic production during the period.