A Cripta Imperial, no Monumento à Independência, localizado às margens do riacho Ipiranga, em São Paulo, foi construída em 1952 para abrigar os remanescentes humanos dos monarcas responsáveis pela Proclamação da Independência do Brasil. O imperador D. Pedro I foi trasladado para São Paulo em 1972, e sua primeira esposa, a Imperatriz D. Maria Leopoldina de Habsburgo-Lorena, em 1954. Em 1982, recebeu os despojos da segunda esposa de D. Pedro I, a Imperatriz D. Amélia de Beauharnais Leuchtenberg. Por muitos anos, o Monumento à Independência foi um dos principais monumentos do país, sendo visitado por vários chefes de Estado que passavam pela capital paulista. Entretanto, apesar de reformas feitas no final dos anos de 1990 e início dos anos 2000, o local sofre há décadas com a infiltração de água, causada pelo relevo natural do terreno em que se encontra e também pela falta de manutenção. Hoje é comum os visitantes não acreditarem que os remanescentes humanos dos primeiros imperadores do Brasil estejam inumados no local. Há até mesmo quem diga que são as cinzas dos monarcas que estão ali. Foi pensando nisso que decidimos fazer este trabalho, buscando respostas sobre esses remanescentes humanos, seu estado de conservação, bem como o do material associado, visando à preservação e possível restauro. / The Imperial Crypt on the Independence Monument, located on the banks of Ipiranga creek in São Paulo city, was built in 1952 to house the human remains of the monarchs responsible for the Proclamation of Independence of Brazil. Emperor Dom Pedro I was transferred from Portugal to São Paulo in 1972 and his first wife, Empress Dona Maria Leopoldina von Habsburg-Lorraine, was transferred in 1954. In 1982 it received the remains of the second wife of Dom Pedro I, the Empress Dona Amélia de Beauharnais-Leuchtenberg. For several years, the Independence Monument was one of the main monuments in the country, visited by many heads of State who passed through the capital of São Paulo State. However, despite reformations made between late 1990 and early 2000, the site suffered for decades with infiltration of water, caused by natural site relief and also by lack of maintenance. It is common now visitors don\'t believe that the human remains of the first emperors of Brazil are buried in the site. There are even those who say that just the ashes of the monarchs are there. By thinking about that we decided to do this work, seeking answers about human remains of the Emperors, their conservation status, as well as the associated material aiming to preserve and possible restoration.

Se présentant fréquemment dans l’oeuvre de Stendhal, la notion de l’honneur se caractérise par une complexité dans sa dimension pluridisciplinaire comme par son implication dans l’Histoire. Précédée par un examen préliminaire de la notion d’honneur dans une perspective historique et théorique, la première partie se consacre à l’analyse de l’honneur en tant que principe politique qui apparaît à Stendhal aussi condamnable que louable, impliquant régime monarchique et enthousiasme révolutionnaire. La partie suivante analyse la figure de plusieurs artistes de différentes époques dans les écrits biographiques de Stendhal. La manière idéale de vivre en artiste témoigne de la caducité de l’harmonie entre l’honneur et les arts qui invalide la formule cicéronienne "honos alit artes". La dernière partie retrace l’enquête stendhalienne sur l’honneur comme exigence d’une vengeance atroce marquant les moeurs de l’Italie du XVIe siècle, avant de mettre en clair, à travers quelques exemples tirés des oeuvres romanesques, la poétique propre à l’honneur dans la représentation de l’amour. Dégageant ces enjeux principaux de l’honneur, politiques, éthiques et esthétiques, l’étude se propose de montrer l’ambiguïté idéologique et axiologique de la notion d’honneur dans l’écriture stendhalienne. Elle vise également à éclairer, à travers cette notion qui se réfère nécessairement au passé, la façon dont Stendhal se situe face à son siècle en pleine mutation, soit à la modernité postrévolutionnaire. / Stendhal’s work frequently presents the idea of honor. It is characterised with complexity in its multidisciplinary dimension as well as through historical implications. Preceded by a preliminary examination of the notion of honor from a historical and theoretical perspective, the first part is devoted to the analysis of honor as a political principle, which in Stendhal's opinion is as contemptible as it is praiseworthy, implicating both the monarchy and revolutionary zeal. The next part analyses several key artists from different eras in Stendhal’s biographical writings. The idealistic manner of living as an artist testifies to a lapse of harmony between honor and the arts which invalidates the Ciceronian formula "honos alit artes". The last part looks back at Stendhal's inquiry into honor as a condition of a horrible form of revenge which was evidenced by Italian customs during the 16th century, before clarifying, using several examples from fiction, the poetics peculiar to honor in the representation of love. Drawing on these main issues of honor, politics, ethics and aesthetics, the study proposes to show the ideological and axiological ambiguity of the notion of honor in Stendhal’s writing. Using this notion, which necessarily refers to the past, it also aims at clarifying the way Stendhal saw his century in the midst of upheaval, namely post-revolutionary modernity.

L’objectif principal de ce travail est de vérifier si le statut de la culture à la télévision nationale pourrait être un indicateur sur la mise en place d’un processus démocratique au Maroc. La réforme de l’audiovisuel constitue un prétexte pour observer la portée des discours réformistes, surtout quand ils sont annoncés par des régimes autoritaires. Comme nous voulons aborder un aspect spécifique d’une politique sectorielle, il serait utile de l’intégrer dans le climat global où elle évolue. En s’intéressant au passé colonial du pays, nous comprendrons les fondements du régime marocain ainsi que les relations qu’il entretient avec les différentes composantes du paysage politique.Les relations entre la monarchie et la religion, la politique et les médias, et le peuple marocain, contribueront à exposer la problématique du nouveau rôle que les réformes jouent dans la réaffirmation des régimes autoritaires. Les élections de 2011 ont permis l’accès des islamistes au gouvernement. L’élaboration des cahiers des charges de l’audiovisuel public par le ministère de tutelle provoquera un affrontement avec les vrais détenteurs de pouvoir sur ce domaine. Grâce aux conditions de la mise en application de ces textes, nous verrons comment les enjeux politiques influencent les décisions des différents acteurs, car nous souhaitons participer à poser un regard différent sur les démarches de modernisation d’un pays comme le Maroc. / This paper primarily seeks to verify whether the status of culture on Moroccan national television could be an indicator of the implementation of a democratic process in Morocco. Audiovisual reform is a pretext for observing the scope of reformist discourse, especially when such discourse is delivered by authoritarian regimes. As we intend to examine a specific aspect of policy in a given sector, it would be interesting to place it in the broader context in which it evolves. We shall take a close look at the country's colonial past to better understand the foundations of the Moroccan regime and the relations that it nurtures with the various stakeholders in the political landscape.We will use the relations between the monarchy and religion, politics and the media, and the Moroccan people to present the problematic of how authoritarian regimes now use reforms as a new way of reasserting their authority. The 2011 elections brought Islamists into the government. In the audiovisual sector, we can expect a confrontation between the true holders of power in this field and the ministry in charge of the sector when it comes to drafting the terms of reference for public radios and televisions. We shall examine how political stakes influence the decisions of the various professionals through the conditions for implementing these texts; for we wish to participate in viewing from a different angle, the modernization processes of a country such as Morocco.

This thesis explores the existence and outlook of a European officer class in the mid- to later 18th century by studying the army officers of Britain and the Habsburg Monarchy from the War of the Austrian Succession to the eve of the French Revolutionary Wars. It illuminates the character of such an officer class of ‘Military Europe’ with its own cultural customs and practices. Furthermore, it details similarities, differences and peculiarities of both officer corps. This is achieved by analysing the social and national composition of both armies, with a focus here on the Habsburg Army due to the fact that it took in great numbers of foreigners and that the muster lists give an indication of how great the proportion of nobility was. A comparison with the British case shows striking similarities but also obvious differences. In a further step the ability of individuals for social advancement and national mobility is scrutinised on both sides. In this context, the state’s care for its officers and their social security is also taken into account. One possibility to acknowledge the officers’ service was to raise their status, either by ennoblement or through increasing the prestige of the uniform in court and society, its transformation into an ‘Ehrenkleid’ (garment of honour). As officers increasingly became servants to the state, rather than noble retainers and military enterprisers, they were also subject to professionalization efforts by the sovereigns. What becomes apparent, however, is that the officers did not only react to such measures but that at least a significant part of them actively worked on improving the service, thereby exhibiting a growing professionalism. In order to explore the coherence of the officer corps in those armies, with officers all following the same codes and accepting each other as equals, the thesis looks into core values (including honour, duty, courage and loyalty) binding them together and separating them from the enlisted men. The thesis will also offer a glimpse of their engagement with civilian society and culture as well as their role as ‘foot soldiers of Enlightenment’. On a European level, interaction between these officers proves their general acceptance of and respect for each other, while at the same time acting as state representatives in wartimes. Their interaction with non-European and non-state military forces and their leadership marks out the fluid boundaries of military Europe, but also exhibits the pervasiveness of European military culture.

De manière contradictoire, les maîtresses royales ont fait l’objet de nombreuses productions (historiques, littéraires, audiovisuelles et même musicales), mais dont la portée scientifique s’avère le plus souvent limitée. Ce travail se propose de remédier à cette lacune, en se focalisant sur une période politique charnière : les règnes des premiers rois Bourbons, d’Henri IV à Louis XIV. L’objectif est de comprendre comment, autant dans le fonctionnement de la machine monarchique qu’à travers les dynamiques inhérentes à la société nobiliaire, se construit et se déploie la faveur lorsqu’elle s’applique aux femmes et implique, donc, à la fois des limites et des ouvertures propres à cette dimension genrée. Pour mener à bien ce projet, plusieurs échelles d’analyse, sociales et chronologiques, seront adoptées. Il sera d’abord question de la maîtresse elle-même, et donc de la période de la faveur, de l’inclination à la distinction, pour saisir comment évoluent position sociale et fortune. Ensuite, sera considérée une temporalité plus longue, allant jusqu’au décès de ces dames, afin d’explorer leur action sur les différentes composantes sociales auxquelles elles se rattachent : parents, enfants, protégés et établissements religieux (entre autres). Enfin, sera prise en compte une chronologie plus vaste, correspondant au temps généalogique des maisons nobles, pour observer l’articulation entre passé familial, faveur féminine ponctuelle et devenir sur le long terme. / Contradictorily, royal mistresses are at the heart of many productions (history, literature, films and even music), but few of them have a real scientific significance. This thesis tries to fill this gap, focusing on a transition period in French history: the reigns of first Bourbon kings, Henri IV, Louis XIII and Louis XIV. The aim is to understand how, within the royal machine as much as within the aristocratic society, favour works and spreads out, especially when it concerns women and implies both limits and openings, proper to this gender dimension.To do so, social and chronological analysis scales have been chosen. First, I will focus on the royal mistress herself – and thus on the favour time, from attraction to distinction –, in order to grasp how social position and fortune develop. Then, I will study a longer temporality, going until the death of the protagonists, to examine their action on groups and individuals to who they are closely linked: kin, descendants, protégés and convents, in particular. Finally, I will look at an extensive chronology, that fits genealogical time of nobility, with the aim of observing the links between family past, temporary favour and long-term future.

This thesis examines the British monarchy in the eighteenth century and how the philosophy of Frederick, Prince of Wales, helped to shape that monarchy. The early Hanoverians were seen with contempt by many of their subjects, often being ridiculed as ignorant outsiders. They helped matters none by their indifference to Britain, its people, or its culture. Prince Frederick, George II’s eldest son, however, changed all of this. His philosophy on kingship, influenced by Henry, Viscount Bolingbroke’s work, The Patriot King, helped to change the perception of the Hanoverian dynasty. When Prince Frederick died in 1751 before he could take the throne, it was left up to his son, Prince George, to carry out Frederick’s vision. As George III, he fulfilled the philosophy and became the embodiment of the patriot king. This resulted in a surge in popularity for the Hanoverians, solidifying their place on the British throne.

2010 was the year of the wedding between Sweden’s crown princess Victoria and Daniel Westling. Although the wedding was partly financed with tax payer’s money, the newspapers did not investigate it further. The main theme of the published articles was lighter and with an entertainment value rather than finding out what the tax money really went. We read two of Sweden’s biggest newspapers, one morning paper (Dagens Nyheter) and one evening paper (Aftonbladet) and counted the articles that contained information about the wedding 1st June – 25th June. 93 percent of the 137 articles in Aftonbladet did not have any critical content at all. Dagens Nyheter published 48 articles during the same period and the percentage of non-critical content was 86 percent. We also divided the articles into different categories for example wedding dress, weather and safety. This to find out what the newspapers choose to write about.

The aim of this paper is to examine how the press describes the public and private role of the Swedish monarch in texts that report about the biography Carl XVI Gustaf – den motvillige monarken (Sjöberg et al. 2010) when it is published in November 2010. The examined period ranges between the days just before the release and a fortnight after. The analysis is limited to standard Swedish papers: a daily, Svenska Dagbladet, and an evening paper, Expressen. Questions asked in the study are: In what ways do the analysed texts raise a discussion about the monarchy’s importance or function in the society of today, that is a public debate on the monarchy? To what extension are status symbols used in the constructing of royalty, that is what Jürgen Habermas (2003) describes as representative publicity? What similarities and differences are found when comparing the news articles in the daily and in the evening paper? The method used to answer the aim and questions is the critical discourse analysis, as Norman Fairclough (1995) describes it, and the theoretical perspective of the essay is Jürgen Habermas’ (2003) theory about the bourgeois public sphere. The result shows that the news articles in the daily unsurprisingly construct only a public who wants to debate on the monarchy. The evening paper instead addresses its readers both as cultural consumers, which the study sees as representative publicity, and as civilians who want to discuss the monarchy’s importance or function of today’s society. Important to notice is that when the evening paper is challenging the monarchy it’s always made in an implicit manner. The public role of the monarch is in both the daily and the evening paper said to be powerful and his public role is said to influence his private role in different ways. It is also obvious that the focus in Expressen is upon the most intimate sphere of the privacy of the monarch. The description of the private room is important here, in addition the spatial portraying uses status symbols when constructing royalty. Finally, the analysis shows that the monarch simultaneously portrays both as an ordinary human being and as a very special person in exclusive surroundings. Earlier research has proved that Swedish media wants to describe royalty like this.

The aim of the present dissertation is to investigate and discuss the political debate on female monarchs during the early modern era (principally circa 1600 to 1720), while specifically pro- blematizing the relationship between rhetoric and practice. The study consists of three sections. The first comprises a study of regulations concerning female succession in the era, highlighting the relationship between the principles of gender and consanguinuity. The second section studies the debate both for and against female monarchs in general, analyzing the arguments presented by Swedish and English debatteurs and European legislators. The third section discusses the perception of female monarchs in practice. Here the focus is on Queens Christina (1632-54) and Ulrika Eleonora (1719-1720), who are both compa­red with each another and other reigning monarchs, primarily the English Queens Elizabeth I (1558-1603), Mary II (1689-94) and Anna Stuart (1702-14). This section is divided into four the­matic subsections: female monarchs in relation to ascension to the throne; education; war; and marriage. Furthermore, the opinions of Christina and Ulrika Eleonora themselves on female monarchs and female succession are discussed. This study has attempted to show that the question of the gender of the monarch has had significance for both the rhetoric and practice of female monarchy. It has been shown that the arguments used against female rulers have mainly concentrated on the principle of gender by labelling "female/feminine" as the negative polar opposite of "male/masculine". In contrast, the arguments used in favour of female monarchs have attempted to tone down the signficance of the fact that the monarch was a woman. Instead, the matter of the monarch's gender was discu­ssed in relation to other, more overriding principles for the monarchy as an institution, inclu­ding birth, dynastic continuity, royal distinctiveness, education, the preservation of order and legitimate succession to the throne. At the same time, this study has shown that traditionally female characteristics could also have a positive effect. One particular problem, both in rhetoric and practice, seems however to have been how and indeed if a female monarch could coordinate her role as sovreign with that of traditionally subordinate wife. / digitalisering@umu

Habilitationsschrift--Ratisbon. / Includes bibliographical references (p. xxi-xcviii) and index.