Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2003. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 257-283).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--UCLA, 2005. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 790-798).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Carleton University, 2000. / Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2003. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 257-283).

This master’s thesis is a result of research conducted during six weeks in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The purpose of this study is to examine whether the contribution of the Dayton peace agreement to process of nation building in Bosnia has become counter productive as it contains elements of both nation-state and state-nation foundation. The study strives to understand the question of identity and how people in Bosnia view themselves and Others, and how they view the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina in combination with the Dayton peace agreement. Qualitative methods such as semi-structured and focused interviews as well as participatory and direct observations built the base for the data collection. The hermeneutic method is used as an approach to comprehend and to handle the findings. As my personal background contains pre-understandings of the chosen topic, I have chosen to use them throughout the research instead of ignoring them as the objective of this study is not to come to a final response of this topic, but instead to bring forward an alternative angle of the identified problem. The result of this study indicates that people in Bosnia and Herzegovina tend to identify in terms of ethno-national identity groups primarily where religion and territory have a decisive role in shaping identity, while a common Bosnian identity has fallen behind. It also reveals that the Dayton peace agreement damages the idea of a common Bosnian identity and questions the idea of Bosnia all together. This research suggests that a nation-state bottom-up process in Bosnia is little perceptible, due to the lack of a common Bosnian identity. The results from this study indicate that Bosnia does not fit the state-nation definition, nor the nation-state definition for several reasons while both state-nation and nation-state building are visible on regional levels. The Dayton peace agreement has initiated a very difficult political situation with extremely complex state structures and limited possibilities for change. The ethno-national division of three, and the constitutive tying of particular groups to specific territories, has hampered both the societal and political situation in Bosnia.

A travers l’étude des musées de la Smithsonian Institution dans les décennies qui suivent la Seconde Guerre mondiale, cette thèse propose des pistes méthodologiques pour penser le nationalisme aux Etats-Unis. La Smithsonian Institution regroupe des activités de recherche, financées par des fonds indépendants et par des subsides fédéraux, et les Musées Nationaux, essentiellement financés par l’Etat fédéral. Ces musées sont pour la plupart situés sur le National Mall à Washington, dans le centre monumental de la capitale fédérale. Ils sont un observatoire privilégié du nationalisme : en effet, ils se situent à l’articulation entre le pouvoir fédéral et l’activité des professionnels des musées, ce qui permet d’évaluer le degré d’implication de l’Etat dans les Musées Nationaux et la contribution de ce dernier à l’entretien du sentiment national en leur sein. Par ailleurs, la création de nouveaux musées et de nouvelles expositions pose la question de la temporalité dans laquelle s’inscrivent les pratiques nationalistes. Enfin, le rôle des musées, entre explication des phénomènes universels et représentation de la nation, reflète la tension entre l’universel et le particulier qui fonde le nationalisme, compris comme une manière nationale d’être au monde. / This dissertation focuses on the Smithsonian Museums in the decades following World War II and tests ways of conceptualizing nationalism in the United States. The Smithsonian Institution includes some research bureaus, which are funded with federal and independent funds, and the National Museums, mostly run with federal funds. Almost all National Museums are situated on the National Mall in Washington, D.C., at the monumental heart of the federal capital. They provide an observatory of nationalism, as they are a contact zone between the federal power and museum people, which brings to light the degree to which the government gets involved in the National Museums and the federal contribution to the maintenance of national feelings through museums. Besides, the creation of new museums and new exhibitions suggests that nationalist practices develop within a specific time frame. Finally, as museums oscillate between the exhibition of universal phenomena and that of national features, they magnify the tension between universalism and particularism that is the basis for nationalism, defined as a national way of belonging to the world.

This thesis is a project of intellectual history which focuses on the development of notions of power and the nation-state in realist thought. The main aim of the thesis is to offer a comprehensive account of how different conceptions of power in the work of various realist thinkers influence their perceptions of the nation-state. Although both power and the state are considered as central to realism, their connection has not been adequately discussed and remains largely implicit. The thesis aims at illuminating such a connection. The authors under examination are both key realist thinkers and representative of the diversity of realist thought as well as of the development from classical to structural realism. As such, the thesis focuses on the works of E.H. Carr, H. Morgenthau (as classical realists), J. Herz (as a transitional figure) and J. Mearsheimer (as a structural realist). The thesis engages with each realist’s theory in a three-step process. First, it analyses their conceptualisation of power and the role it plays in their ontological and epistemological assumptions. Then, using that conceptualisation of power as a starting point, it discusses its impact on the way the realist under examination understood the nation-state. Finally, the way the aforementioned realists engaged with the foreign policies of given nation-states is employed as an illustration of their theoretical framework. The thesis identifies a close interplay between power and the nation-state in all realists examined. Power plays a central role in each realist’s ontology and as such influences profoundly the way they conceptualised the nation-state. The latter can thus be approached as a manifestation of power which is unfixed in time. The realists examined approach the state as a historically conditioned entity. As such, it is argued that it is power that constitutes the core analytical category of realism rather than the state whose very conception is dependent upon that of power. In terms of the development of realism, a process of gradual narrowing down of the concept of power from classical to structural approaches is observed. The multifaceted conception of power advanced by early realists is abandoned in favour of an approach which understands power as material capabilities. While this approach is compatible with a scientific vision of politics as manifested after the second debate it reduces significantly realism’s analytical purchase both in understanding power and the nation-state. This is evident in the precarious balance that neorealists have to attain when theorising nationalism, the ideological corollary of the nation-state, which can more fully be accounted for by classical realists. Finally, by removing power from the field of epistemology, structural variants of realism lack the reflexivity of earlier realists and as such find it difficult to engage in foreign policy debates without compromising the core assumptions of their theory. The thesis is structured as follows: In the introduction, the thesis is put in the context of existing literature on realism and the way questions of power and the nation-state have been addressed in the past. Questions of methodology and selection of authors are also addressed in the introduction. The following four chapters are dedicated to analysing the theories of the selected realists. The concluding section summarises the findings and main argument of the thesis.

Orientador: Luís Antonio Francisco Souza / Banca: José Geraldo Poker / Banca: Dagoberto José Fonseca / Banca: Paula Ferreira Poncioni / Banca: Rodolfo Arruda / Resumo: A presente pesquisa teve como objetivo compreender o processo de construção da nação pós-colonial moçambicana tendo como base os discursos sobre o homem novo e o inimigo que desencadearam um policiamento, formal e informal, centrado na retirada forçada de uma parcela da população para os campos de reeducação. O policiamento praticado pela policia pós-revolucionaria em Moçambique e as demais forças populares civis e partidarizadas não deram lugar a um novo tipo de relação entre as comunidades étnicas nativas e as autoridades estatais pós-coloniais. O que ocorreu foi um movimento de perseguição continua de certos nativos que não se encaixaram ao modelo de cidadão a quem se direcionou toda a violência estatal. Para a compreensão dessa realidade optou-se, metodologicamente, pela revisão da literatura, análise documental com recurso a comparação uma vez que eventos semelhantes em situações pós-revolucionarias ou pós-coloniais tiveram lugar em diversos países do mundo. Embora tenhamos fixado uma temporalidade para analise se verificou que um longo processo de segregação, de produção da vida nua, de retirada de direitos, de condicionamento a cidadania se manteve desde o tempo colonial. Assim sendo, as instituições repressivas, estatais ou não, foram ajustadas e mantidas sobre outros formatos sem, necessariamente, suspender esse processo violento contra um grupo especifico de nativos. Como em qualquer outro processo de construção da unidade e identidade nacional baseados na essencial... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This research is aimed at understanding the process of building the postcolonial Mozambican nation based on the speech about the new man and the enemy that initiated a formal and informal police station centered on an evicted population's piece of land, who later were driven to the re-education fields. The police practices undertaken by the post-revolutionary police force in Mozambique and the other popular civilian and partisan forces did not give space to a new form of relationship between native ethnic communities and post-colonial state authorities. What happened was a continuous tracking movement of certain natives that did not abide by the model of citizen, upon which the entire state violence was directed. For a broader understand of this reality, it has been, methodologically and through review of the literature, opted a documentary analysis with comparison resources, since similar events in postrevolutionary or colonial situations have at least once taken place in several countries of the world. Although we have established a temporal analysis, it has been observed that a long process of segregation, production of bare life, withdrawal of rights, conditioning of citizenship, has been maintained since colonial eras. Thus, repressive institutions, whether statutory or not, have been adjusted and maintained on other grounds without necessarily suspending this violent process against a specific group of natives. As in any other process of building unity and national identity based on essentializing an ideal citizenship, this resulted in massacres. Therefore, a significant number of innocent civilians end up being included in the margins in order to reeducate and convert them into decolonized, demobilized, militant and working-class Mozambican citizens. However, the process of re-education in the fields gives no indication of ... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

En Turquie, la question de l’identité est au cœur de bien des problèmes. Après la période de Mustafa Kemal qui a tenté d’imposer une définition de l’Etat, laïc et turc, celle-ci n’a pas résisté à la disparition du fondateur de l’Etat-nation.Les années qui ont suivi ont vu l’arrivée du multipartisme au pouvoir et l’apparition d’une autre définition de l’identité turque, supposée créer un consensus au sein de la Nation turque : la synthèse turco-islamique. Les heurts et les tensions ont montré les limites de la définition étatique de l’identité turque et les années dites de plomb ont été dominées par deux forces nationalistes, l’Etat-profond et l’ultranationalisme des Loups gris, mouvement d’extrême-droite. L’affaire de Susurluk a permis de voir émerger une nouvelle tendance, le nationalisme des Ulusalcilik d’inspiration laïque, mais aussi le néo-ottomanisme, avec l’arrivée au pouvoir de l’AKP et l’émergence d’une nouvelle identité, plus large : Türkyeli (ou de Turquie). Mais les conflits au Moyen-Orient et le glissement de l’AKP vers un régime islamiste, brouille une fois encore l’identité nationale. / In Turkey, the Identity question is the crux of the issue. After the period of Mustafa Kemal who gave a definition of the State, secular and Turkish this one didn’t resist to the death of the founder of the Nation State. The year which followed, saw the emergence of the multiparty system to the power and the birth, of an another definition of the Turkish Identity, creating a consensus within the Turkish Nation: The Turco-Islamic Synthesis. The clashes and the tensions showed the limits of the State definition of the Turkish Identity during the “Lead Years” (1960-1970), a period dominated by two nationalist strengths, the Deep-State and the ultranationalism of the Grey- Wolves, the extreme-right movement. The Susurluk Affair allowed to see the birth of a new tendency, the nationalism of Ulusalcilik of secular inspiration, but also a neo-ottomanism, with the coming of the AKP and the emergence of a new wider identity: Tiirkyeli, that means “to be from Turkey”. But the conflicts in the Middle East and the sliding of the AKP towards Islamism, blurs once more the national Identity.

This study investigates the exclusion of rural communities from the postcolonial South African nation state as a result of the neoliberal agenda of the democratic government. This is a qualitative study that was conducted using a desktop analysis of literature and information on the case of the rural Xolobeni community and their resistance to mining. The secondary sources analysed included books, journal articles, news articles and online court documents. The study was also guided by the postcolonial concepts of the nation state and neoliberalism, which have both contributed to the conceptualisation of citizenship in the postcolonial world. The study found that economic growth-centred development in South Africa is often at the expense of those living in the poor communities of the country, such as in the rural areas (Capps & Mnwana, 2015; Kunnie, 2000). Rural communities, such as the former Bantustans, are often stripped of their land rights and livelihood strategies without their consent, at the hands of the democratic government of South Africa under the guise of development. This study argues that this is an injustice that results in the exclusion of rural communities from the postcolonial nation state. This exclusion is not only undemocratic – it resembles the oppression of these communities that characterised apartheid in South Africa.