The present study explores the relationship between trust placed in national institutions and opinion of globalization. A secondary data analysis is conducted using data collected by the European Commission in a 2004 Eurobarometer survey of European Union (EU) citizens on various issues regarding the EU, globalization and national challenges. A prominent theme in the literature is that, in recent times, globalization has had the effect of compromising the sovereignty of nation-states. This has generated a backlash of nationalistic attitudes wherein globalization is posited in opposition to the nation-state. This surge in nationalism has reinforced a culture wherein any external force that has the capacity to compromise or merely challenge national sovereignty is deemed undesirable. The EU represents a unique response to the phenomenon of globalization. It is the only economic bloc that attempts to manage globalization and mitigate its negative effects through the promotion of a free market system that is actively reinforced by political and social transnational unity. By assessing EU citizens' opinion of globalization and its relation to national attachment, one can investigate whether in living in a system of shared national sovereignty, which attempts to actively manage globalization, one experiences globalization not as an external invasive force, but as an integral component of the nation-state.

Transnationalism as a theory has explained the causal nature of migration over time, against the backdrop of an ever-changing globalised world. The movement of people and their motivating factors have been deeply researched within migration literature and other surrounding fields. However, the intricacies of transnationalism among migrants have remained fairly unexplored, with little being written specifically on the topic of intersecting identities and othering experienced by transnational migrants. In South Africa, xenophobia has been a strong issue connected to migrants, whereby those from other African countries face discrimination based on their nationality, ethnicity, and economic disparities. However, there is a dearth in understanding how othering as a concept manifests beyond the overt forms of violence, and how it links to systemic forms of exclusion. The term ‘West-a-phobia' explores a more specific phenomenon of xenophobia, whereby West African migrants living in South Africa face discrimination based on specific national, cultural, and economic characteristics of their identity. By using this concept, and by providing the historical context of othering, this dissertation explores transnational identities through unpacking concepts such as ‘othering', ‘transnationalism', ‘identity', and critiquing the nationstate. A qualitative approach was implemented by interviewing six respondents residing in Cape Town and Stellenbosch, South Africa. Respondents' contributions were collected via online response sheets and face-to-face interviews from August to November 2019. This was followed by critical analysis and concluded with evidence-based nuances surrounding the intersecting tenets of the aforementioned concepts. The key findings from this study conclude that West African migrants that have lived in South Africa over a certain period of time experience a lack of cohesion and integration into society. This takes place through processes of othering through physical differentiation and cultural characteristics. Furthermore, West African migrants maintain a connection to their country of origin through engaging in what Crush and MacDonald (2000) characterises as transnational activities. Finally, this study concludes that there are stratified layers to the conceptualisation of citizenship, and that the qualitative research done corroborates with certain aspects of transnationalism theory.

In a book, I have gathered 2 years of research on the heart symbol in the context of social media and the responsibility of Facebook Inc. in the propagation of hate speech. In parallel, new far-right parties such as Alternativ för Sverige use the heart symbol as a logo. I question the benefits of a rising discourse of love in nationalist propaganda, often hiding racist and sexist ideologies.This research is accompanied by a music video: six women are reading a spoken-word piece on the sexualisation of the female body and the idealisation of a nation-state. This work is entrenched in my own experiences and those of my friends. I composed the music and recorded our voices, all of us, speaking with different accents, witness of our current history of migrations. / <p>Work reviewed by artist and graphic designer Benedetta Crippa</p>

Le progressisme est un courant politique né en Équateur dans les années 1860 cherchant à incarner une voie médiane entre le conservatisme et le libéralisme. Une fois au pouvoir, de 1883 à 1895, les progressistes entendent moderniser l’Équateur sur le plan politique et économique. Sur le plan économique, ils cherchent à consolider le modèle agro-exportateur fondé sur le cacao, développer l’enseignement technique et scientifique, construire des voies ferrées et redéfinir les relations entre l’Église et l’État. Ils souhaitent également stabiliser les institutions républicaines, fondées sur le respect des libertés publiques, la séparation des pouvoirs et le suffrage comme source de la légitimité politique. Cependant, les progressistes doivent affronter l’opposition des conservateurs et des libéraux. Isolé et affaibli, le progressisme est renversé en 1895 par les libéraux. Malgré ses échecs, le progressisme représente une étape déterminante dans la construction de l’État-nation en Équateur. / Progressivism was a political movement born in Ecuador in 1860s that aimed at embodying a third way between conservatism and liberalism. While they were in power, from 1883 to 1895, the progressives tried to modernize Ecuador both politically and economically. On the economic level, they sought to consolidate the agroexport model, develop technical and scientific education, build railroads and redefine the relationship between Church and State. They also wanted to stabilize the republican institutions, based on the respect for civil liberties, separation of powers and suffrage as the source of political legitimacy. In spite of its failures, progressivism represents a fundamental step in the formation of the Nation state in Ecuador.

Orientador: Dagoberto José Fonseca / Banca: Bas'ilele Malomalo / Banca: Christian Fernando dos Santos Moura / Banca: Ivair Augusto Alves dos Santos / Banca: Sabrina Rodrigues Garcia Balsalobre / Resumo: Com o advento da Paz, em 2002, o poder e a influência do Partido Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA) ganharam novos e diferentes contornos em todo o país, de modo a se constituir como a maior força catalisadora dos anseios do povo angolano, consolidando sua força e projeto hegemônico na sociedade. Desde então, o país tem reforçado, a partir de uma política de Estado, os laços de longa data com um grupo de potências de média dimensão, entre as quais o Brasil merece, certamente, uma atenção especial. Tal fato demonstra que a atuação do MPLA também é constituída na elaboração de uma agenda política internacional que tem parceiros na Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP), no âmbito regional (SADC), e conta com o apoio também dos BRICs, especialmente da China, do Brasil, e da África do Sul. Nosso objetivo é fazer uma análise de Angola do pós-guerra (2002 a 2012), centrados na agenda de desenvolvimento para Angola elaborada pelo MPLA, mas especialmente analisar e interpretar como esse processo impactou na construção do novo Estado-nação surgido após várias décadas de conflitos. / Abstract: Following the advent of peace, in 2002, the power and influence of the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) have won new and different shapes in the whole country, constituting itself as the single catalyzing force of Angola's Peoples wishes, thus consolidating its force and hegemonic project within the society. Since then, the Country has strengthened, from a Estate Policy perspective, the long lasting ties with a group of mid-sized nations, among which Brazil, certainly, deserves special attention. Such fact shows that MPLA's proceeding is also constituted in the elaboration of an international political agenda with partners at the Community of Portuguese Language Speaking Countries (CPLP), within the regional sphere at the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) and counting with the support of the BRICS, notably China, Brazil and South Africa. Our goal is to perform an analysis of post-war Angola (2002 - 2012), centered in the development agenda elaborated by the MPLA, but more importantly analyze and interpret how this process impacted the construction of the new Nation-State that emerged after several years of conflict. / Doutor

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Walter Barbieri Junior.pdf: 2020620 bytes, checksum: 117bad0803b425249f01ca341e314817 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-18 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The Chinese expansion in world capitalism has provoked a great interest in China s role in the 21st century, especially in relation to the State role in the face of the so-called market forces. Within a millenary civilization, the Chinese nation State, formally created in 1912, has been built along a process that had two milestones: the revolution triumph in 1949, whose stated goal by the main leaders was the socialist transformation, first step for the construction of a classless society; and the Four Modernization Programs, implemented by the forces led by Deng Xiaoping from 1978 on. This thesis examines more specifically the role of the Chinese nation-State building as a foundation for the expansion in world capitalism in the last thirty-five years, following the post-World War II Maoist period. In this work the author searches for the understanding of how the national ideology pervades the process of contemporary Chinese State Constitution. In addition, this study examines this State intervention in economic development of that social formation and more particularly the possibility of hegemonic rise of China in world capitalism in the 21st century / A expansão chinesa no capitalismo mundial tem provocado um grande interesse pelo papel da China no século XXI, principalmente em relação ao protagonismo do Estado frente às chamadas forças do mercado. No interior de uma civilização milenar, o Estado-nação chinês, criado formalmente em 1912, constituiu-se ao longo de um processo que teve dois marcos principais: o triunfo da revolução, em 1949, cujo objetivo declarado pelas principais forças dirigentes era a transformação socialista, primeiro passo para a construção de uma sociedade sem classes; e o Programa das Quatro Modernizações, implementado pelas forças lideradas por Deng Xiaoping a partir de 1978. Esta tese analisa, mais especificamente, o papel da construção do Estado-nação chinês como alicerce para a expansão no capitalismo mundial nos últimos trinta e cinco anos, período superior temporal, ao do período maoísta do pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial. Aqui se procura compreender de que forma a ideologia nacional perpassa o processo de constituição do Estado chinês contemporâneo. Além disso, o estudo analisa a forma de intervenção deste Estado no desenvolvimento econômico daquela formação social e, mais especialmente, a possibilidade de ascensão hegemônica da China no capitalismo mundial no século XXI

Esta dissertação reflete sobre os motivos da integração e desmembramento de povos que produzem um espaço comum. Verificam-se aspectos comuns da ideologia iugoslavista do século XIX com as políticas nacionalistas do século XX, visando manifestações de poder comprometidas com a criação de Estados independentes. Sustenta-se que os partidos nacionalistas, antes da 1ª Guerra Mundial, não se rotulavam como partido dos trabalhadores, nem levantavam a bandeira socialista. Além disso, os mentores da unificação dos povos suleslavos almejavam o desenvolvimento comercial e industrial de suas regiões, mas não recebiam apoio das potências européias, nem eram liderados ou financiados por uma elite burguesa. Tentamos demonstrar que, neste primeiro momento do nacionalismo, os eslavosdo- sul realizaram sua união muito mais por iniciativa própria contra a política do Vaticano; contra o atraso feudal; contra a aculturação germânica, e que as intervenções externas favoráveis à formação de Estados eslavos nos Bálcãs foram relevantes somente com o descrédito socialista, uma vez que o Estado iugoslavo não proporcionou a democrática participação entre seus concidadãos nas atividades políticas e econômicas, ensejando o separatismo ultranacionalista. A morte do marechal Tito, em 1980, ressuscitou a intolerância de croatas e eslovenos em relação à centralização governamental dos dirigentes sérvios, os quais não souberam articular uma flexibilização política. É neste segundo momento que as potências internacionais realizaram intervenções concretas a favor da dissidência dos demais nacionalismos latentes, entre os eslavos-do-sul, que acabaram ganhando vida própria, respaldando os emblemas de espaço produzido por cada nacionalidade individualizada, no fundo, uma exploração ideológica de líderes locais formadores de opinião pública, os quais encontraram respaldo no interesse das potências ocidentais em se expandir no Leste Europeu e liquidar o socialismo. Considerando a formação do Estado, seja iugoslavo, sérvio, croata, etc., este estudo expõe a influência política pela ideologia do nacionalismo, mesmo com toda diversidade de religião, de tamanho do espaço compartilhado por comunidades multiétnicas, de diferentes credos e que usam diferentes línguas, na construção de uma nação. Não se questiona aqui a invenção de identidades ou recriação de nações, implicando alteração de territórios e de Estado. Importa verificar se o nacionalismo é um elemento perene de poder, na medida em que sempre pode ser acionado como estratégia política capaz de formar e destruir Estados. / This essay reflects on the reasons for integration and disintegration of peoples who have a common area. Checks commonalities between the ideology of the nineteenth century Yugoslavia and the nationalist policies of the twentieth century, to understand the manifestations of power committed to the creation of independent States. Argues that the nationalist parties, before the First World War, is a not labeled as a party of workers, and raised the flag socialist. Also, the mentors of the unification of South Slavic peoples aim the development of its commercial and industrial regions, but not received support from European powers, nor were led or financed by the bourgeois elite. We tried to demonstrate that in this first moment of nationalism, the Slavs of the south-union held their own for much against the policy of the Vatican, against feudal backwardness, against acculturation Germanic, and that external interventions in favor of the formation of the Slavs in the Balkans were relevant only to discredit socialist, since the State did not provide the Yugoslavian democratic participation among citizens in their political and economic activities, shares rise separatist groups ultranationalists. In the federative socialist system, from the Second World War, the Marshal Tito fought against the domination of the Nazis and Soviets and won power by forcing a \'hybridization\' of the South Slavs, in order to eliminate cultural differences in their territory. The death of this leader, in 1980, raised the intolerance of Croats and Slovenes on the centralized government of Serbian leaders, who have not articulated a flexible politics. This is the second time that the powers held international assistance to promote the secession of the other latent nationalism, which eventually gained a life of its own, backed emblems of space produced by each individual nationality, basically, an ideological exploitation of local leaders shapers of public opinion, which found support in the interest of Western powers in expanding in Eastern Europe and still socialism. Whereas the formation of the State, is Yugoslavian, Serbian, Croatian, etc.., this study exposes the political influence by the ideology of nationalism, even with all diversity of religion, size of space shared by multiethnic communities of different faiths and that use different languages, in building a nation. Question here is not the invention or recreation of identities of nations, involving change of state and territory. It verifys that nationalism is a perennial power in that it can always be executed as a political strategy capable of forming and destroy States.

This thesis addresses the relationship between Greek Cypriot nationalism, militarism and masculinity following the opening of the borders in Cyprus between North and South in 2003. Drawing upon empirical research conducted in Cyprus in 2011, the thesis argues that there is an integral relation between nationalism, militarism and masculinity and that since the opening of the borders, there has been a re-constitution of this relationship. In the re-constitution of this relationship what appears as the weakening of each component is illustrated to be an adapted reiteration of its co-constitution under new social and political parameters. This adapted reiteration is a continuation of the Greek Cypriot perceived nationalist militarist masculinist stance of power in the conflict situation against ‘occupation' and explains, amongst other post – 2003 nationalist, militarist and masculinist reiterations, as to why the opening of the borders has not helped in the bringing together of the two communities. On the contrary, in fact, in some cases the adapted reiterations have helped new divisions to emerge. The research reveals that the inextricability of masculinity in this three-fold co-constitutive relationship is significant in the adapted reiteration of an identity, which exists beneath the politically symbolic or institutional level – and is hindering the process of reconciliation. It is argued that despite there being a shifting away of the hegemonic masculinity of men from the national struggle, and thus also the conscription service, towards a transnational entrepreneurial masculinity, there remains a broader masculinist discourse in this co-constitutive relationship, which I name in this thesis as nationalist militarised masculinity. This is significant because it is a discourse that is integral to this Greek Cypriot nationalist militarist masculinist stance, with its adapted reiterations, that creates obstacles for reconciliation. The results of this thesis highlight the necessity of addressing the co-constitution of nationalism, militarism and masculinity in Cyprus and likewise in other post-armed conflict societies.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:55:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Walter Barbieri Junior.pdf: 2020620 bytes, checksum: 117bad0803b425249f01ca341e314817 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-18 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The Chinese expansion in world capitalism has provoked a great interest in China s role in the 21st century, especially in relation to the State role in the face of the so-called market forces. Within a millenary civilization, the Chinese nation State, formally created in 1912, has been built along a process that had two milestones: the revolution triumph in 1949, whose stated goal by the main leaders was the socialist transformation, first step for the construction of a classless society; and the Four Modernization Programs, implemented by the forces led by Deng Xiaoping from 1978 on. This thesis examines more specifically the role of the Chinese nation-State building as a foundation for the expansion in world capitalism in the last thirty-five years, following the post-World War II Maoist period. In this work the author searches for the understanding of how the national ideology pervades the process of contemporary Chinese State Constitution. In addition, this study examines this State intervention in economic development of that social formation and more particularly the possibility of hegemonic rise of China in world capitalism in the 21st century / A expansão chinesa no capitalismo mundial tem provocado um grande interesse pelo papel da China no século XXI, principalmente em relação ao protagonismo do Estado frente às chamadas forças do mercado. No interior de uma civilização milenar, o Estado-nação chinês, criado formalmente em 1912, constituiu-se ao longo de um processo que teve dois marcos principais: o triunfo da revolução, em 1949, cujo objetivo declarado pelas principais forças dirigentes era a transformação socialista, primeiro passo para a construção de uma sociedade sem classes; e o Programa das Quatro Modernizações, implementado pelas forças lideradas por Deng Xiaoping a partir de 1978. Esta tese analisa, mais especificamente, o papel da construção do Estado-nação chinês como alicerce para a expansão no capitalismo mundial nos últimos trinta e cinco anos, período superior temporal, ao do período maoísta do pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial. Aqui se procura compreender de que forma a ideologia nacional perpassa o processo de constituição do Estado chinês contemporâneo. Além disso, o estudo analisa a forma de intervenção deste Estado no desenvolvimento econômico daquela formação social e, mais especialmente, a possibilidade de ascensão hegemônica da China no capitalismo mundial no século XXI

The system of states that now covers the planet did not arise out of thin air; rather it was the product of historical forces that gradually coalesced around the state form. But the dynamics of that process no longer obtain. In their place, a new, highly complex amalgam of material and ideational forces is now in the ascendant -- and its arrival has serious implications for traditionally configured, "Westphalian" states. Understood as ("thick") globalization, this interlocking array of political, economic, social and cultural forces challenges the old order at two key points. First, traditional states had "hard shells," by means of which they were capable of consolidating differences between �inside� and �outside� to the point where the latter could more easily be quarantined. Second, for closely related reasons they were largely able to "absorb" domestic society, such that the individual was less a citizen than (s)he was a subject. But these (dubious) capabilities have been severely exposed and eroded, which leads us to ask, "Whither the state under globalization?" My thesis constitutes a sustained attempt to answer this question. The theme is a large one - and I believe that to be adequately treated, large themes require a varied approach. First, in terms of theory this means that I borrow from a significant diversity of recognized �Schools� within the discipline of International Relations. Second, in terms of method I follow a similarly pluralist line. Broadly speaking, the work is interpretive as opposed to explanatory, which is to concede that one cannot be �purely� scientific while standing inside the phenomena one wishes to examine. On the other hand, this forecloses neither the scientific method nor its guiding spirit. With respect to states and the international system, we can still be "scientific realists:" states are real structures whose nature can legitimately be approximated through sciences. In sum, I cleave to a sort of methodological middle ground between science and interpretation, taking from each in the measure that they advance the discussion. Third, in terms of normative intent my chief concern is with the way things are; but as it turns out, the way things are increasingly includes the way they ought to be. In other words, the ontology of our globalizing world is increasingly deontological in texture. This may sound contradictory. Nevertheless, the spread of universal norms - and of equally universal ordering principles, or patterns of global organization - has undeniable repercussions for the relationship between is and ought. In turn, the implications for states are profound. The answer to my central question, "Wither the state under globalization?" is this: we are now on the threshold of a neo-medieval era of segmented political authority. Centrally nested within this new order is the embedded cosmopolitan state, wherein universal and particular aspects of being can now be fully reconciled.