The creation of the All-Volunteer Force (AVF) in 1973 allowed U.S. presidents to deploy American military power in times and places of their own choosing with fewer concerns that the electorate would turn against their leadership. A reaction to the trauma of the Vietnam War, the AVF did away with conscription and instead relied on volunteers to serve and fight in U.S. military operations. The AVF's ranks were mostly filled with those willing to deploy and fight for their country, without the U.S. having to rely on conscription. When U.S. presidents had to use the AVF to fight in conflicts, they could expect to enjoy a higher degree of public support than those presidents who led the U.S. military during the Korean and Vietnam wars. Drawing from casualty, financial, and public opinion statistics from 1949 through 2016, this thesis argues that with the adoption of the AVF in 1973 U.S. presidents have been better able to deploy the AVF in combat with less resistance from the American people. It examines the circumstances behind the creation of the AVF, looking second, at the deployment of the AVF from the Gulf War to the Global War on Terror to determine if U.S. presidents enjoyed popular support and were encouraged to rely on military force as the primary option in foreign policy. Finally, the study compares casualties, financial costs, and public support for conflicts relying on conscripted forces to those depending on the AVF to examine if U.S. presidents were better able to involve the U.S. in military conflicts of questionable interest with fewer worries about organized anti-war movements. The conclusions of my research revealed that my hypothesis was wrong in that the creation of the AVF did not mean the U.S. presidency enjoyed a higher degree of support during conflicts. With the exception of the Gulf War, presidential approval when using the AVF was less than 50% in every conflict by the time military operations ended. The majority of conflicts disclosed that public approval and disapproval was based on casualties, regardless if service members were draftees or volunteers, as well as financial costs. For Korea and Vietnam, high casualties and financial costs resulted in approval levels dropping quickly while Afghanistan and Iraq took longer because casualties and spending did not escalate as quickly. As a result, I discovered that public approval and disapproval levels influenced political change. In the case of Korea, Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Iraq, it forewarned changes in political leadership while conflicts such as Somalia, Bosnia, and Kosovo were kept short and inexpensive to prevent political opposition from organizing against the presidency. / Master of Arts / This thesis explores presidential use of military power from 1949 through 2016, examining the impact of the All-Volunteer Force (AVF). The research looks at whether the AVF is associated with U.S. presidents having more public support when using military power in various parts of the world. Prior to the AVF, conscription helped meet the personnel needs of the U.S. military; however, this system became problematic when it was used to fight conflicts that became unpopular with the American public. Not only were the loyalty and performance of the conscripts often questionable, the public also frequently placed pressure on presidents to curb U.S. military operations overseas. This thesis examines the emergence of the AVF, how presidents have deployed it, and the differences in American public support, casualties, and financial costs between the use of the conscript force and the AVF under U.S. presidents in major military conflicts from 1949 through 2016. The findings revealed very little difference in presidential use of military power whether employing the conscript force or the AVF. An examination of the nation’s major conflicts since 1949 suggests that public support was based on U.S. lives lost and monies spent, with higher levels of these categories associated with lower presidential approval and higher disapproval ratings. In conclusion, although the AVF was created to end the need for the draft to support national defense, the American public remained concerned about how U.S. presidents used the military overseas especially when engaged in distant open-ended conflicts.

Doctor of Philosophy / Department of History / Mark P. Parillo / The Distant Early Warning (DEW) Line, a key program under President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s “New Look” policy, prepared the United States defense posture for “the long haul” in the Cold War. Eisenhower wanted to prevent the escalation of military costs while still providing an adequate defense. Eisenhower emphasized a retaliatory capability and improved continental defenses, the so-called “sword and shield,” which are key features of the New Look. The DEW Line would prove to be a vital component of both. Whereas the initial emphasis of the DEW Line was to warn against attack providing for both active and passive defense measures, soon there was a definite “counter-offensive” role for the DEW Line as well—the protection of the primary retaliatory capability of the United States: the Strategic Air Command (SAC). The place of the DEW Line in the history of the Cold War has been an under appreciated topic. With the exception of the scholarship from the 1950s and early 1960s, only recently have continental defense and particularly the DEW Line been removed from the shadows of other Cold War events, strategies, and military programs. This doctoral thesis is an account of the DEW Line’s conception, implementation, and position in Eisenhower’s New Look and deterrent strategy. The DEW Line proved to be a cardinal feature of Eisenhower’s New Look strategy: it strengthened overall U.S. defenses and defense posture as the one element of U.S. defense policy (“New Look”) that improved and connected both the active and passive measures of continental defense by providing early warning against manned bombers flying over the polar region; it bolstered the deterrent value of SAC; and it was instrumental in developing closer peacetime military cooperation between the United States and Canada. In fact, U.S.- Canadian diplomacy during the 1950s offers an important case study in “superpowermiddle power” interaction. However, despite the asymmetry in their relationship, U.S.- Canadian defense policies proved to be analogous. All of these objectives could not have been accomplished without the technological and logistical abilities necessary to construct successfully the DEW Line.

This dissertation investigated the curious appearance of English as a second language pedagogy for African American freshmen at the University of Wisconsin, Madison in the Fall of 1969 (Scott & Angle, 1970, p. 4). The work explored the researcher’s professional and financial interests in literacy problems that attracted both foundation and National Defense of Education Act funding. Looking beyond disciplinary drama, this dissertation suggested that binaries between marginal researchers and creative ones take away from the complexity of disciplinarity. Oppositions foreclosed on indexing the normative role that sponsors played in our post-World War II and Cold War histories in English instruction.

Pagrindinės sąvokos: žmogaus teisės, prigimtinės ir pozytiviosios teisės, LR krašto apsaugos sistema, Lietuvos kariuomenė, statutai, Europos Sąjunga, Šiaurės Atlanto Sutarties Organizacija, buvusios TSRS ginkluotosios pajėgos, valdymo modelis, etatizmas, humanizmas, nestatutiniai santykiai, statutinis pareigūnas, drausmė ir disciplina. Santraukos turinys: santraukoje pateikiama darbo tema bei pagrindinės, darbe vartojamos sąvokos. Aprašyta, ką autorius nagrinėja darbe, kas turi įtakos žmogaus teisių krašto apsaugos sistemoje institutui ir jo raidos tendencijas, kokių nuostatų laikomasi rašant darbą. Pateikiama žmogaus teisių esmė bei jų įgyvendinimo ir apsaugos problemos. Žmogaus teisės bendrąja prasme gali būti suprantamos kaip vertybių, apimančių individo teises, laisves ir pareigas, kompleksas. Istorinė raida, išorinės ir vidinės valstybės ir visuomenės permainos, valstybės valdymo modelis, vyraujanti ideologija leidžia nagrinėti žmogaus teises įvairiais aspektais. Darbe nagrinėjamas bei lyginamas TSRS bei nepriklausomos Lietuvos valstybės žmogaus teisių institutas ginkluotosiose pajėgose. Žmogaus teisių reglamentavimo bei apsaugos raidos tendencijos ir ypatumai atskleidžiami, analizuojant vyraujančias prigimtinių teisių bei pozityviojo etatizmo doktrinas, istorines aplinkybes, valstybės valdymo modelius, jų įtaką žmogaus teisių institutui, taip pat akcentuojant žmogaus teisių įgyvendinimo kariuomenėje problemas. Darbe laikomasi nuostatos, kad sovietinis paveldas turi... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Main concepts: human rights, natural and positive rights, national defense system of the Republic of Lithuania, Lithuanian army, statutes, European Union (EU), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), USSR armament, control model, etatism, humanism, unstatutory intercourse, statutory servant, discipline. Summary: work name and main concepts used in this work are given in the summary. It is described, what author analyses in this work, what influences on human rights’ institution and it’s development tendencies, what attitudes he has when writing this work. The essence of human rights and problems of its implementation and protection are provided. Human rights in common sense might be understood as a complex of values, involving rights/liberties and duties of an individual. External development, external and internal state changes, model of state government, ruling ideology lets to analyze human rights in various aspects. Human rights’ institution in armament of USSR and independent Lithuania are analyzed and compared. Regulation of human rights and protection development tendencies and singularities are revealed by analyzing doctrines of dominant natural rights and positive etatism, historical circumstances, models of state government, their influence on human rights institution as well as emphasizing implementation of human rights in army. An attitude, that soviet heritage has an influence today, is kept in the work. The origin of unstatutory intercourse, determining... [to full text]

Submitted by Claudinei Pracidelli (cpracide@ipen.br) on 2016-06-22T13:19:02Z No. of bitstreams: 0 / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-22T13:19:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 / Tese (Doutorado em Tecnologia Nuclear) / IPEN/T / Instituto de Pesquisas Energeticas e Nucleares - IPEN-CNEN/SP

abstract: Efforts to privilege STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) disciplines, initiatives, and industries in American discourse are arguably the foremost expressions of scientific authority in contemporary educational policy. Citing a diverse body of STEM literature, I discuss the histories and rationales that sustain the promotion of STEM. In doing so, I appropriate two concepts -Michel Foucault's Regime of Truth and Hayden White's Emplotment- for the purpose of analyzing the complex interests embodied by STEM discourse. I argue that the Sputnik Narrative is the prevailing story in STEM advocacy discourse. I claim that STEM advocates typically emplot this history as a Romance. Furthermore, I classify two major bases of appeal (rationales) that appear within this literature to justify STEM projects and proposals, "competition" and "equity." Throughout my writing, I cite discursive strategies for challenging and reimagining STEM history. My goal in indicating these sites of narrative possibilities is broaden the discursive field to new, perhaps liberating possibilities. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.A. Social and Philosophical Foundations of Education 2014

Made available in DSpace on 2015-10-19T11:50:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ceron2012.pdf: 1043758 bytes, checksum: c64cdfac67f625402cd19203b97ba550 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-22 / This dissertation has investigated the information as a constitutive force in society in the context of the debate on defense policy in Brazil since the 1988 Constitution. The problem to be faced is how the information available on Defense subsidizes the debate of defense policy in Brazil. The proposed methodology includes the analysis of legislation and recent academic work on aspects of information policy. The changes in defense policy, as part of democratization of the Brazilian state, are studied from the point of view of information policy with a view to increasing participation in the debate. It is hoped that this research contributes to the discussion of policies and regimes of information within Information Science / Esta dissertação busca investigar a informação como força constitutiva na sociedade no contexto do debate da política de defesa no Brasil a partir na Constituição de 1988. O problema a ser enfrentado consiste em saber como as informações disponíveis sobre Defesa subsidiam o debate da política de Defesa no Brasil. A metodologia proposta inclui a análise da legislação e da atividade acadêmica recente sobre o aspecto da política de informação. As mudanças na política de defesa, como parte da democratização do Estado brasileiro, são estudadas sob o ponto de vista da política de informação tendo em vista a ampliação da participação da sociedade no debate. Espera-se com esta pesquisa contribuir para a discussão de políticas e regimes de informação no âmbito da Ciência da Informação

Submitted by Claudinei Pracidelli (cpracide@ipen.br) on 2016-06-22T13:19:02Z No. of bitstreams: 0 / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-22T13:19:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 / Nesta pesquisa, objetivou-se entender os efeitos da possível melhoria da infraestrutura laboratorial dos laboratórios da Rede de metrologia de defesa e segurança (RDS) do Programa Sibratec e da atuação da gestão em rede na oferta de apoio e de serviços metrológicos às empresas do setor de defesa e segurança, dentro dos propósitos do projeto. Procurou-se também identificar a existência de lacunas na oferta de serviços de calibração/ensaio para suprir a demanda das indústrias de defesa e segurança, bem como analisar a adequação do projeto RDS a essas demandas das indústrias de defesa e segurança, tendo como propósito contribuir com informações para ações futuras. A pesquisa desenvolvida é do tipo qualitativo, com características de pesquisa exploratória, fundamentada em estudo de caso. Foi estruturada em duas partes, envolvendo coleta de dados primários e de dados secundários. Para a coleta dos dados primários foram elaborados dois questionários, sendo um (Questionário A) destinado aos cinco representantes dos laboratórios na RDS e outro (Questionário B) aos contatos das 63 empresas do setor de defesa e segurança que necessitam de serviços de calibração e de ensaios pertinentes às áreas de atuação dos laboratórios da RDS. Foram obtidas respostas de quatro representantes dos laboratórios da RDS e de 26 empresas do setor de defesa e segurança. Os dados secundários resultaram de pesquisa documental. A análise dos resultados foi feita tendo por base cinco dimensões definidas com o objetivo de organizar e melhorar o entendimento do cenário da pesquisa. São elas, abrangência do projeto, regionalidade, gestão em rede, rastreabilidade metrológica e importância e visibilidade da RDS. Os resultados indicaram que a atuação da RDS não interferiu, até então, na rastreabilidade metrológica dos produtos das empresas do setor de defesa e segurança participantes da pesquisa. / Tese (Doutorado em Tecnologia Nuclear) / IPEN/T / Instituto de Pesquisas Energeticas e Nucleares - IPEN-CNEN/SP

The purpose of the evaluation is to determine, in a measure, the costs of the program, the interest shown in it, and the benefits derived from it. It is the further desire of the investigator to learn to what extent the program now fits into our educational system, and what changes may be necessary for the future use of the program in our educational system.

External threats The aim of this study is to create a theoretical understanding of the Swedish national security perspectives which contributed to the variety of initiatives that have taken place in the Swedish military defense bills of 2004/05:5 and 2014/15:109. Our purpose is to do a qualitative text analysis whereby we create ideal types based upon the international relation theories liberalism and realism, which we then apply onto our selected propositions to analyze whether our ideal types can be traced- to discover if there have been any ideological changes. In our final discussion of the analysis we can see that the Swedish security objectives have changed due to changed threats in the world, which have resulted in both an increased need for international cooperation and also an expanded Swedish military defense in 2014. We can also see a theoretical shift in these propositions since some countries which previously had a more liberalistic character are now adopting a more realistic act.