論文摘要 本文主要是檢定內生成長模型之下，政府的國防以及教育支出行為與經濟成長的關係。我們發覺以往的文獻探討，對於教育對經濟成長關係的探討大多著重在人力資本對經濟成長之影響，而多持正面的看法；學者對國防支出有持正面；亦有持負面之看法。根據本文所做的實證檢定則發現，長期之下，我們所欲檢定之變數，國民所得、教育支出以及國防支出皆具有單根之關係，顯示三個數列在長期之下，不具有穩定之狀態；亦即是呈現一個隨機漫步的情形，此正和我國經濟成長、國防支出、教育支出不斷增加的事實相吻合。而教育支出和國民所得亦有具有共整合的關係存在，這顯示了在長期之下，國民所得和教育支出的一階差分會呈一穩定的線性關係，即長期之下，國民所得和教育支出會有相同成長趨勢，而國民所得和國防支出間，因為國防預算支出的比例不斷降低，所以我們無法得出該支出與國民所得有共整合關係，顯示國民所得和國防支出長期下並無相同的成長趨勢。 而就因果關係檢定之結果來看，我們發現，國民所得對教育支出有一領先的關係，解釋了長期之下，國民所得的資訊可以用來預測教育支出成長的事實，同時也可以說明我國符合華格納法則中所提到之現象。 而就國防支出和國民所得而言，本文得出國民所得和國防支出存在雙向因果關係。當以國民所得作為被解釋變數時，可能因國防支出使用的效率，或者國防的支出確實提高有效需求並促進現代化，因而使國防支出對國民所得有顯著之影響。至於國民所得對國防支出的影響方面，我們就國防支出需求面來看國防預算的制定，是必須考慮所得的經濟因素。且依據華格納法則，隨著我國國民所得不斷增加，對於政府國防支出的需求，亦會相對提升。因此，吾人可以說國民所得增加會影響國防支出。 　目　　　　錄 第一章 緒論……………………………………………… 1 第一節 經濟成長與政府支出……………………….. 1 第二節 研究方向……………………………………….. 5 第三節 本文架構……………………………………….. 6 第二章 相關探討及文獻回顧…………………………… 8 第一節 相關公共支出對經濟成長的文獻回顧……… 8 第二節 教育投資、支出及國防支出對經濟成長之影響… 11 第三節 國民所得對政府支出的影響………………… 23 第三章 計量方法………………………………………….. 29 第一節 單根檢定………………………………………… 29 第二節 共整合檢定………………………………………... 32 第三節 修正誤差模型…………………………………….. 34 第四節 因果關係檢定………………………………… 36 第四章 模型設定及實證結果…………………… . 41 第一節 模型的設定…………………………………… 41 第二節 單根和共整合檢定…………………………… . 42 第三節 修正誤差及因果檢定………………………….…. 47 第四節 實證結果之探討…………………………………. 55 第五章 結論與建議……………………………………… . 63 第一節 本文結論……………………………………….… 63 第二節 本文之建議…………………………………….…. 65 參考文獻……………………………………………………. 70 / We are going to dicuss the long-run relationship between income and govnernment's education and national defense expenditure in Taiwan.We start at testing wheather income ,education expenditure ,and national defense have unit or not. We find all the series have the characteristic of unit root.It shows that they are not stationary.Then we use Granger's cointegration test,and see that the series of income and education got the relationship of cointegration,instead that of income and national defense. Finally,we test long- run relationship by Granger causality.Due to the existence of cointegration between income and education expenditure,we can use two-steps OLS to test whether there exist Granger causality between them,and we find income will affect education expenditure ,however education expenditure will not affect income.And we use F test to find the Granger causality between income and nation defenseand we get the conclusion that there exists a bilateral Granger causality.It means that they will affect each other.

De nos jours, le motif de la " crise de l'éducation " est récurrent dans les discussions publiques sur le système éducatif, et ce des deux côtés de l'Atlantique. Aux Etats-Unis, c'est au lendemain de la seconde guerre mondiale qu'il prend une tournure nouvelle. Jusqu'alors on avait parlé de " crise " pour désigner les difficultés matérielles et financières du système, mais l'expression prend une autre signification après 1945, tandis que s'installe un débat entre les partisans de l'éducation moderne, modèle inspiré par les principes de l'éducation progressiste, et les défenseurs d'une éducation humaniste, qui dénoncent une dégradation des exigences intellectuelles et des résultats de l'enseignement public. Cette étude se propose de restituer les termes de ce débat et d'analyser ses répercussions sur les dynamiques du système éducatif américain. La confrontation entre deux philosophies de l'éducation ne se limite pas à la sphère des professionnels et on en retrouve les échos dans la presse de grande diffusion comme dans certains films hollywoodiens. Alors que les États-Unis font face à une crise de confiance après le lancement réussi du satellite Spoutnik, le gouvernement américain désigne le système éducatif comme maillon faible en s'appuyant sur les critiques formulées tout au long des années 1950 par les adversaires de l'éducation moderne. Le télescopage du débat sur l'éducation et des logiques de Guerre froide ouvre alors la voie à une intervention fédérale inédite dans le domaine de l'éducation, avec l'adoption du National Defense Education Act de 1958.

Submitted by Diego Fróes e Coelho da Silva (difroes@yahoo.com.br) on 2018-10-19T17:15:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação MFEE 2018 - Diego Fróes v.final.pdf: 30379795 bytes, checksum: d885dd4fca28761cf6411a4c9620103f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by GILSON ROCHA MIRANDA (gilson.miranda@fgv.br) on 2018-10-25T19:39:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação MFEE 2018 - Diego Fróes v.final.pdf: 30379795 bytes, checksum: d885dd4fca28761cf6411a4c9620103f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-29T18:09:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação MFEE 2018 - Diego Fróes v.final.pdf: 30379795 bytes, checksum: d885dd4fca28761cf6411a4c9620103f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-10-02 / O objetivo deste estudo é examinar se as parcerias público-privadas (PPP) podem constituir uma ferramenta viável para a implementação dos Projetos Estratégicos de Defesa no Brasil. As PPP são um instrumento para a cooperação da iniciativa privada na realização de investimentos de interesse público e são capazes de aperfeiçoar os processos de desestatização, em busca de ampliar o alcance das externalidades positivas que tais processos podem gerar. Há experiências semelhantes em países como Reino Unido, Estados Unidos da América (EUA) e Austrália, nas quais se verificou aumento da qualidade dos serviços e diminuição dos prazos de entrega em comparação aos métodos tradicionais de contratação. Por meio de um estudo de caso, amparado em uma pesquisa documental e bibliográfica e apoiando-se nas bem-sucedidas experiências internacionais, é possível investigar se as PPP podem contribuir para o fomento da Base Industrial de Defesa (BID), fundamentais ao aprimoramento das Forças Armadas e ao desenvolvimento do País.

I denna studie presenteras forskning om varumärkesbyggande genom reklamfilm. Syftet är att undersöka hur Försvarsmakten genom sina reklamfilmer arbetar med varumärkesbyggande för att rekrytera medarbetare. Efter återinförandet av värnplikten år 2017 lanserade Försvarsmakten ett flertal reklamkampanjer. För att behandla syftet har en forskningsfråga utformats och med hjälp av ett kvalitativt angreppssätt har det insamlade empiriska materialet analyserats. Detta i form av en innehållsanalys på tre reklamfilmer från kampanjerna. Analysen grundar sig i teorier gällande kommunikation och varumärkesbyggande. Reklamfilmerna tolkas utifrån semiotik och retorik för att sedan kopplas till hur Försvarsmakten bygger sitt varumärke. Resultatet i denna studie visar att Försvarsmaktens reklamfilmer primärt fokuserar på att skapa en positiv helhetsbild av varumärket istället för att endast rekrytera personal. Utifrån analysen framställs organisationen som jämställd, modern och inkluderande vilket är associationer som är nya för Försvarsmakten. Positiva associationer bidrar till ett attraktivt varumärke som kan leda till att målgruppen söker sig till organisationen. För att effektivisera organisationens rekryteringsprocess bör de trycka hårdare på de fördelar som arbetet innefattar. Denna studie bidrar med en viss förståelse för betydelsen av ett starkt varumärke oavsett vad syftet med marknadsföringen är. För att få mer kunskap om varumärkesbyggande i Försvarsmaktens reklamfilmer rekommenderas framtida forskning gällande vad som lockar rekryter att söka sig till Försvarsmakten. / This study presents research on branding through commercials. The purpose is to investigate how the Swedish Armed Forces work with branding in their commercials to recruit employees. Following the reintroduction of military service in 2017, the Swedish Armed Forces launched a number of advertising campaigns. In order to address the purpose of the study, a research question has been designed and, using a qualitative approach, the collected empirical material has been analyzed. This has been done in form of a content analysis of three commercials from the campaigns. The analysis is based on theories of Branding and communication. The commercials are analyzed on the basis of semiotic and rhetoric theories and thereafter to how the Swedish Armed Forces build their brand. The results of the study shows that the Swedish Armed Forces’ commercials primarily focuses on creating a positive image of the brand rather than just recruiting. Based on the analysis the organization is presented as equal, modern and inclusive, which are associations that are new to the Armed Forces’. Positive associations contribute to an attractive brand image that can lead to the target group applying to the organization. In order to make the recruitment process in the organization more efficient, they should focus more on highlighting the benefits of working there. This study contributes to an understanding of the importance of a strong brand regardless the purpose of the marketing. In order to gain more knowledge about brand building in the Armed Forces commercials, it is recommended to do future research on what actually attracts recruits to apply to join the Armed Forces. The study is written in Swedish.

近年來，日本的防衛政策發生了許多重大的變化。如日本政府認可了「集團自衛權」的行使權、美日兩國修訂了新版的「美日防衛合作指針」以及日本國會通過了新的「安保法案」，這些變化勢必將帶給亞太地區不小的影響。在此之中，2013年，日本政府所制定的新「防衛計畫大綱」更顯示出了日本安全觀在面對快速變化的國際情勢之下，不停地求新求變以確保國家安全的意圖。 「防衛計畫大綱」是為日本防衛政策的最高指導方針，具有非常高的重要性。故本論文將以防衛計畫大綱作為基礎材料，對日本冷戰後的安全觀變遷進行研究。防衛計畫大綱至今(2016)共有五個版本，從第一版(1976年)到最新的第五版(2013)，橫跨了冷戰與後冷戰時代，其中各版的內容更是發生了許多變化。如冷戰時代，日本的主要威脅是來自於蘇聯的全面入侵。而到了後冷戰時代，防衛政策的重心則是開始創造能夠對應「複合事態」的新體制。 本論文將基於「新古典現實主義」與「歷史制度論」兩大理論的角度，對防衛計畫大綱展開分析。並特別著重於「政策的繼承性」、「國內政治勢力的演變」、「中日關係發展」以及「亞太地區安全形勢」等等議題。在探究日本安全觀變遷的同時，試圖理解日本防衛政策所具有的特殊性。 / Japan's defense policy changes significantly in recent years. New cabinet decision of the right of collective self-defense, new Guidelines for US-Japan Defense Cooperation and new national security bill. Definitely, those changes will impact Asia-Pacific Security. In those transitions, new Japanese National Defense Program Guideline(NDPG) will be a relevant reference to see why and how does Japanese security view get changed. This research will use NDPG as basic materials to find out the transition of Japan's security view in the Post-Cold War. NDPG has five editions for now. Form first edition(1976) to fifth edition(2013), NDPG can tell us what 's the difference of Japan 's security between Cold War and Post-Cold War. This research based on “Neoclassical Realism” and “Historical institutionalism” to analyze NDPG. Furthermore, we will concern of “Succession of policy”,” transition of domestic political power”,”China-Japan relations”and” Asia-Pacific Security”and so forth.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / When the United States entered World War I in April 1917, many Americans quickly rallied to support the nation. Among the numerous committees, organizations, and individuals that became active in the mobilization process were the forty-eight state councils of defense. Encouraged to form by President Wilson and his administration in the days and weeks following U.S entry in the war, the state councils grew as offshoots of the Council of National Defense and assisted in bringing every section of the country into a single scheme of work. Everyone was expected to do their part in WWI, whether they were fighting overseas or helping on the home front. The state councils, broken down into various sections and county, township, and high-school level councils, made sure that this was the case by reaching down into local communities and encouraging individuals to become involved in the war effort. Their work represented the embodiment of a “total war” philosophy and, yet, studies on these organizations are surprisingly scarce, giving readers an inadequate understanding of the American home front during the conflict. This thesis therefore places the focus directly on the state councils and examines the work they undertook to make the United States ready for, and most effective in wartime service. In particular, it explores the efforts of the Educational Section of the Indiana State Council of Defense. By concentrating on this one section, readers may gain a better understanding of the lengths that the state councils went to in order to put every person – teachers and students included – on a wartime footing.

The following dissertation develops a theoretical framework for guiding the strategy of democratic states in successfully countering the hostilities of nationalistic substate terrorist organizations (NSTOs), and effectively manipulating the terrorist group’s (and its supporting elements’) decision-making calculus. In particular, the theory of strategic coercion has been chosen as a basis for formulating this framework, based upon: 1) the invaluable guidance it offers in dynamically drawing upon all instruments of national power—economic, diplomatic, military, etc.—to accomplish politico-strategic objectives; and 2) the unique insights it provides into making strategic moves aimed at influencing the choices taken by an adversary. However, strategic coercion theory as it currently stands is inadequate for applications against substate terrorist organizations. As a quintessential cornerstone for prescriptive policy in strategic studies, such a looming deficiency vis-à-vis one the most important security threats of the modern age is unacceptable. The new theoretical framework established in this dissertation—entitled the Balance Theory of strategic coercion—addresses this deficiency. The Balance Theory stresses that three key coercive elements of strategic coercion are fundamentally important for successfully ending the hostilities posed by NSTOs, being: A) Isolation of external/international support; B) Denial; and C) Isolation of popular support. It posits that these three aspects of strategic coercion serve as the sine qua non for success in countering an NSTO’s campaign of violence and effectively manipulating its decision-making process. Implementation of these three elements, moreover, must be pursued in tandem, taking care so as not to sacrifice one aspect for the other. The Balance Theory is tested through the employment of case-study analysis. In pursuing this end, both cross-case and within-case analyses are performed, accompanied by the utilization of the methods of focused, structured comparison. The cases examined are those of: 1) The United Kingdom versus Republican NSTOs (1969-2007); and 2) Israel versus Palestinian NSTOs (1967-present). The dissertation concludes with an examination of how the Balance Theory may provide insights for the formulation of counter-terrorism strategy against Al Qaeda in the current "War on Terror".