The goal of the thesis is to provide a critique of nationalism and its effect on international relations. It is also to look at alternatives to nationalism as human forms of organization and to see if they are viable. The main theories employed here are those of realism, which is tied to theories of nationalism, and cosmopolitanism. There are references to other theories but realism and cosmopolitanism are the basis of the main theoretical discussion. The theory of cosmopolitanism is also linked to the theory of social constructivism, which is an important part of the dissertation’s argument. The thesis follows the format of a critical literature review. It uses the already large amount of literature on nationalism and its alternatives for its sources. The thesis will posit that nationalism plays a more negative role in today’s international affairs than positive. However, it contains elements which are positive also and some of the reasons for the behavior linked to nationalism are accepted as parts of human nature. The thesis also looks at alternative forms of human organisation. It posits that there are and have been alternatives to nationalism. Although many of the alternatives have their own pitfalls or appear unrealistic in the present time, they are nonetheless accepted as something to be worked on or worked towards. The thesis supports moves towards more global governance and the promotion of cosmopolitan notions of coexistence. The thesis also posits that an acceptance of human particularism must be incorporated into any projects to foster more global cooperation. Hence, projects for more international harmony must redefine how interests are defined and how peace and security are reached as opposed to merely basing future forms of human organization on ethics alone.

<p>Israel has many meanings that are crucial to the analysis and interpretation of any resolution of the Israel-Palestine conflict. With the Middle East Peace process initiated in 1993, both Jews and Palestinians have begun to rethink their relationship to their homelands. But negotiations take place within an arena where two nations claim one territory, and where one nation also claims a "diasporic" relationship to homeland. Using anthropological and cultural studies' approaches to nationalism, diaspora and the politics of location, I explore how North American Jews construct and experience their relationships to Israel. Traveling on organized Jewish tours to Israel and participating in numerous Jewish community events over a 4-year period, I have /~ < examined how the "Israel" displayed and enacted as a Jewish homeland and nationstate through Israeli nationalist and Zionist narratives is "taken up" or interpreted by I Jews in diaspora. An identifiable, shared, tragic past, and common ancestry helps to l define all Jews as a nation, and Israel as their homeland, but, significantly, not their home. Jews in diaspora envision Israel as the Jews' homeland, and as modem nation state. It is a symbol of the Jews' accomplishments and survival as a nation. But their primary focus is on the relations of nation and feelings of responsibilities towards other Jews. These practices and ideas require a recasting of ideas of "national" identity which assume territoriality, so as to include the practices of deterritorialised identifications with the nation, or what I call "diaspora nationalism.'\ Moreover, I suggest that the" diaspora nationalism" of North American Jews is part of a general post-Zionist phenomenon.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

The Iraqi Shi'ites' revival post-2003 and the rise of communal identity make an increasing need to study the roots of their political identities. This study surveys literature written about the political behavior of Shi'ites at different historical eras in the 20th century (to be specific, from the 1920s to 2003). In this study, my aim is to evaluate, based on the collected evidence, the Shi'ites' sense of identity during these historical eras, how they viewed themselves, and with whom they affiliated? Particularly, I delve into these research questions: Did the Shi'ites behave as a homogenous group? Did they have a single dominant identity that defines them as Shi'ite political identity? Did the political behavior of different Shi'ite Islamic groups originate from their religious and communal identities, or did it come from their national aspiration as Iraqis? I apply a history of political thought/ ideology approach, implementing critical historical hermeneutics. The analysis of the evidence indicates that Shi'ites show different senses of belonging at different historical eras and political events. The findings suggest that the communal and political identity was developed at a later stage of Iraq's 20th-century history. It also shows the diverse identities Shi'ites have and how their political behavior differs according to these diverse identities. / Master of Arts / This thesis discusses the development of the Iraqi Shi'ites' political and religious identities since the founding of the modern state in Iraq in 1921. It tackles three overlapping historical periods in which the Iraqi Shi'ites' political identity crystallized and formed during these periods. The findings reveal that the Iraqi Shi'ites did not have a unified sectarian political identity, but they affiliated with multiple political entities and ideologies. The research suggests the absence of a unifying term to embrace Shi'ites' political behavior, and the terminology "Shi'ite" or "Shi'ites" should not be generalized to encompass all Iraqi Shi'ites' political behavior. Therefore, the sectarian Shi'ite political parties and groups that claim to represent the Shi'ites after 2003 still do not represent a broad spectrum of the Shi'ite society.

No / Examining two centuries of Balkan politics, from the emergence of nationalism to the retreat of Communist power in 1989, this is the first book to systematically argue that many of the region's problems are external in origin. A decade of instability in the Balkan states of southeast Europe has given the region one of the worst images in world politics. The Balkans has become synonymous with chaos and extremism. Balkanization, meaning conflict arising from the fragmentation of political power, is a condition feared across the globe. This new text assesses the key issues of Balkan politics, showing how the development of exclusive nationalism has prevented the region¿s human and material resources from being harnessed in a constructive way. It argues that the proximity of the Balkans to the great powers is the main reason for instability and decline. Britain, Russia, Austria-Hungary, France and finally the USA had conflicting ambitions and interests in the region. Russia had imperial designs before and after the 1917 Revolution. The Western powers sometimes tolerated these or encouraged undemocratic local forces to exercise control in order to block further Soviet expansion. Leading authority Tom Gallagher examines the origins of these Western prejudices towards the Balkans, tracing the damaging effects of policies based on Western lethargy and cynicism, and reassesses the negative image of the region, its citizens, their leadership skills and their potential to overcome crucial problems.

This thesis focuses on the development of the Iranian nation and state from 1811 to 1941. Both of these developments occurred in response to Iran's encounter with the European powers, specifically Russia and Great Britain. Government-led reforms opened the possibility for the development of Iranian nationalism, as Iranian students were in England and brought back the first printing press with them to Iran in 1815. The introduction of the printing press was significant to the development of the Iranian nation-state, as an increase in journals and periodicals introduced contemporary European political ideas to Iranians. This increased the calls to replicate the customs and norms of European society in Iran, ultimately leading to the Constitutional Revolution of 1906. The Constitutional Revolution established a Parliament in Iran that was politically weak and held little power in the provinces outside of Tehran. Tribal authority increased throughout Iran, and the Russians and British eventually occupied Iran from 1911 to 1917. The establishment of Reza Shah's rule in 1921 introduced a new centralized Iranian state that was legitimated by the nation and established its rule over the tribes. It is also during Reza Shah's rule that the conception of the Iranian nation begins to change. / Master of Arts

This thesis makes two broad claims. It contends firstly that there is considerable variation in national consciousness across the population of a stateless nation. People can and do feel minutely, partly or wholely Breton, Scottish or Quebecois. Moreover, these are not merely differences of degree. Underlying the uneven intensity of nationalist sentiment within stateless nations is qualitative variation in the buttresses of national consciousness. Some - typically those with weaker national identities - are "pragmatist nationalists": people whose sense of belonging to a distinct community is firmly grounded in tangible sociological differences, be they ethnic, linguistic, religious or political. Others, more taken with the nation, are "idealist nationalists"; their sense of national belonging is more the product of an abstract and idealized sense of connectedness than hard and concrete sociological difference. This basic difference in the underpinnings of national identity, along with other attendant contrasts between pragmatist and idealist nationalists, are explored through historical analysis of various nationalist organizations and activists in Brittany, Scotland and Quebec. The second central proposition is that this qualitative variation in national identity is an important determinant of political behavior. Many of the wide-ranging attitudes and behaviors seen among exponents of the nationalist cause can be traced back to the conditioning effects of national identity on the outlook and political disposition of different nationalist players. In making this case, the analysis proceeds thematically, drawing examples variously from the three cases; it offers, in places, quantitative evidence based on analysis of the original data from previously conducted surveys. Various attitudinal and behavioral phenomena are thus explored: perceptions of the legitimacy of different means of effecting changes in the nation's political status (e.g. violence versus democratic means); the rationality of different nationalist players; their patterns of participation in nationalist projects; and overall mobilization trends. While these phenomena are somewhat disparate, they are linked by an overarching theme: idealist nationalists are less sensitive to empirical realities than their pragmatist counterparts. They are consequently more intransigent and uncompromising in their attitudes and behavior, and for this reason often play an important vanguard role in the process of nationalist mobilization.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of History, December 2000. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

This thesis makes two broad claims. It contends firstly that there is considerable variation in national consciousness across the population of a stateless nation. People can and do feel minutely, partly or wholely Breton, Scottish or Quebecois. Moreover, these are not merely differences of degree. Underlying the uneven intensity of nationalist sentiment within stateless nations is qualitative variation in the buttresses of national consciousness. Some - typically those with weaker national identities - are "pragmatist nationalists": people whose sense of belonging to a distinct community is firmly grounded in tangible sociological differences, be they ethnic, linguistic, religious or political. Others, more taken with the nation, are "idealist nationalists"; their sense of national belonging is more the product of an abstract and idealized sense of connectedness than hard and concrete sociological difference. This basic difference in the underpinnings of national identity, along with other attendant contrasts between pragmatist and idealist nationalists, are explored through historical analysis of various nationalist organizations and activists in Brittany, Scotland and Quebec. The second central proposition is that this qualitative variation in national identity is an important determinant of political behavior. Many of the wide-ranging attitudes and behaviors seen among exponents of the nationalist cause can be traced back to the conditioning effects of national identity on the outlook and political disposition of different nationalist players. In making this case, the analysis proceeds thematically, drawing examples variously from the three cases; it offers, in places, quantitative evidence based on analysis of the original data from previously conducted surveys. Various attitudinal and behavioral phenomena are thus explored: perceptions of the legitimacy of different means of effecting changes in the nation's political status (e.g. violence versus democratic means); the rationality of different nationalist players; their patterns of participation in nationalist projects; and overall mobilization trends. While these phenomena are somewhat disparate, they are linked by an overarching theme: idealist nationalists are less sensitive to empirical realities than their pragmatist counterparts. They are consequently more intransigent and uncompromising in their attitudes and behavior, and for this reason often play an important vanguard role in the process of nationalist mobilization. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Idag blir det allt vanligare att marknadsföra produkter – inte minst mat – som genom idéer, värden och identiteter kopplade till nationalism. Föreliggande studie undersöker hur reklamfilmer från det svenska "mjölkkriget" – ett reklamkrig mellan mjölkproducenten Arla Foods och havredrycksföretaget Oatly – reproducerar en nationalistisk diskurs. Genom en multimodal kritisk diskursanalys (MCDA) av en reklamfilm från respektive företag visar studien hur Arla Foods och Oatly genom valen och kombinationen av olika visuella, audiella och språkliga resurser på ett humoristiskt sätt ger uttryck för idéer, värden och identiteter med koppling till en nationalistisk diskurs. Reklamfilmerna leker med motsättningar och ifrågasätter mjölkens – respektive mjölksubstitutets – plats inom den nationella kulturen, samtidigt som idéer, värden och identiteter kopplade till en nationalistisk diskurs reproduceras utan att utmanas. Reklamfilmerna agerar vidare banalt nationalistiskt genom att på ett vardagligt sätt påminna mottagaren om dess nationella identitet och framställer denna – utifrån en nyliberal logik – som beroende av konsumtion av "svenska" varor: mjölk respektive havredryck.

England has long been an anomaly in the nationalism literature. On the other hand the French Revolution has stood as the event embodying the emergence of all nationalism. Not infrequently, writings on other revolutions or civil wars display the absence of objectivity. This thesis attempts both objectivity and a basic orientation towards nationalism by exploring the structural context of emerging nationalisms in two revolutions. Each case depicts a significantly different context in which emerging nationalism develops. Next, I develop a test case drawn from the record of emerging Basque nationalism. This analysis draws out the consistency between the multiple characteristics of Basque nationalism and their structural orientations. The success of this test case helps in the refinement of our understanding of nationalism. / Master of Science