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This study analyzes the 1993 Survey on Social Mobility and Social Change in China and is trying to find out whether Chinese nationalism affects regime support and in what direction. The thesis begins with the theories of nationalism, whose main events took part chiefly and, almost, exclusively, in Europe of the 19th century. Then, the roots of Chinese nationalism are explained along with the need to use the plural term nationalisms in order to point out the many faces of Chinese nationalism. There are presented some typologies of it as presented in bibliography. Furthermore, theoretical concepts such as regime, diffuse and specific support among others, which are used in the present study, are introduced to pave the way for the ensuing chapters. Moreover, the model that is used in the thesis is put forth in order to underline the key concepts and to support the use of the questionnaire in a meaningful and sufficient way. The dependent, intermediate, and independent variables are presented in order to conceptualize and operationalize them. After that, the data analysis follows, which test the theories suggested for Chinese nationalism. The results of the data analysis show that in 1993 not many factors of Chinese nationalism affect regime support. It is only the attitude toward China itself and foreign countries that have a statistically significant impact on regime support, therefore a 2x2 typology concerning Chinese nationalism and regime support is introduced.

At the beginning of the twenty-first century, with China's remarkable success in economic developments and greater openness to the outside world, two sharply opposing views of China have appeared in the Western perception of China - a rising superpower as well as a threat to the West, economically, militarily and environmentally. The West, particularly the US and Britain fears that China is likely to take advantage of its growing economic and geopolitical influence in order to change the world's power pattern. Within such a social context, this thesis sets out to explore if the old concepts of Orientalism on China has ever changed in modern times and how the modern images China and the Chinese are framed in the contemporary British news media. It is carried out through four cases – Chinese migration, Hong Kong handover (1997), Tibet issue and Sichuan Great Earthquake (2008). More specifically, the thesis examines: how the two dominating masterframes – ethno-nationalist and liberal individualist masterframes coexist or compete with each other in the reporting; and what the differences are between newspapers in terms of frame choice and the ratio of struggle between two frames. The study implies that the old Orientalist stereotypes, such as ‘Yellow Peril', which were used to describe China and the Chinese have not often appeared in the recent British news media representations in the selected four cases. Instead, the liberal individualist views have been widely and deeply embedded in the British news reporting, criticising China being essentially a Communist dictatorship as opposed to Western democracy. Additionally, the relations between two masterframes appear in three forms – coexistence or intertwining, supporting each other, and struggle.

My novel A Watermelon, A Fish and a Bible was published in April 2010 by Quercus in the UK, who have rights to the commonwealth countries. It has also been translated into three other languages and has been very well received in Greece and Cyprus. I believe that my novel and the critical piece make an original contribution to the field. After conducting much research I discovered that the literature concerning Cypriot politics is either nationalistic or deals directly with the divide of the land or its inhabitants. My novel, however, is set during the first eight days of the 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus and deals not only with the immediate effect of this invasion on the small town of Kyrenia but also with the consequences of Cypriot nationalism in the lives of the people. In many ways the novel is about the emergence of globalisation as described by Edward Said in Culture and Imperialism. It shows the “remorselessly selfish and narrow interests”1 that lead to both “mass destructiveness,”2 in the form of the invasion in this case, and personal destructiveness, in the form of the failed relationships of the characters in my novel. The first part of my research explores the reactions of the Orthodox Cypriot during British administration in the 1950s and considers reasons for these reactions, examining whether the notion of post-colonialism can be applied to Cyprus. In the second part, I take a psychological approach and consider archetypal patterns in the structure of the 1950s revolt against British administration. Finally, I will explore some post-invasion texts and their relevance to the changing identity politics of the Orthodox Cypriot community and then look at how this exploration influenced my novel. My novel A Watermelon, a Fish and a Bible can be found on Amazon.co.uk

Children have been marginalised in nationalism studies, particularly in the discussion of education. The process of education was taken for granted while children’s agency and their construction of national discourses were neglected. This thesis was to examine and compare children’s national discourses and those in pedagogical materials in the context of recent Taiwanese nationalism since 2000. This thesis concerned children’s discourses and pedagogical discourses in four areas: (1) the nation; (2) national identity; (3) ethnicity; and (4) being a minority. Data was collected through individual interviews, documentary research and observations. Individual interviews were conducted with a sample of 28 primary school children (aged 8-11) in a selected primary school in Taiwan. The participants were recruited from children of Chinese immigrants, children of Vietnamese immigrants, and children of native Taiwanese to compare their various experiences and perspectives. The findings showed that children’s discourses did not necessarily correspond to pedagogical discourses although they partly match to each other. The nation was portrayed as ‘Taiwan’ consistently in the textbooks and by children, while the ‘Republic of China’ was being ‘forgotten’ by children and marginalised in textbooks. In addition, a Taiwanese identity is prevailing among children. However, children challenged the existing concepts of ethnicity and the language policy at school. Finally, this thesis found that the national discourses in pedagogy was rather exclusive than inclusive. Therefore, the minority groups, such as children of immigrants, Hakka, and the Aborigines, felt being the ‘others’ in the discourses of Taiwanese nationalism. In conclusion, children are not objects of pedagogical national discourses. Instead, the pedagogical discourses rely on students’ interpretation and performance. Therefore, children are active subjects who are able to challenge pedagogical discourses and construct their own national discourses.

In this study in political theory I challenge the way in which national identity and liberalism are traditionally counterposed, by arguing that this opposition does not of existence rooted in time and space. On the proposed understanding, Locke’s position is a reaction to Hobbes’s demand for the complete surrender of individual particularity in exchange for an immutable state of perfect stability. It is argued that Locke appreciates the requirement of stability for generating future-oriented motivations in individuals, but exhibits a more humble approach to the human capacity to rule its own existence. The unbound autonomy to take charge of reality that Hobbes grants to humanity is replaced by a constrained ability to administer its existence within the corporeal confines of time and space. It is argued that the timespace constraints that Locke insists are metaphysically inherent to humankind, conflict with the boundary-free assumptions of cosmopolitanism. Conversely, it is maintained, Hobbes’s radical argument for dislodging humankind from spatiotemporal constraints serves as a platform for a cosmopolitan outlook, albeit a markedly authoritarian one. obtain in the work of one of the key figures in liberal thought, John Locke. This controversial assertion is supported by arguing that the conventional reading of Locke is tainted by Hobbesean preconceptions. Rejecting the view that Locke builds upon, or enhances, Hobbes’s position, this thesis instead maintains that Locke is replying to, and moreover divorcing himself from Hobbes. Thus Locke’s stance is portrayed as a distinctive and far more substantial contribution to political theory than he has traditionally been credited with. Furthermore, the distancing of Locke from Hobbes serves to expose the roots of the misconception of Locke’s political thought as a precursor of, and foundation for, a boundary-free cosmopolitanism. It is argued here that Locke’s political theory has become entangled with Hobbes’s due to a lack of attention to the formative relation between metaphysics and politics in their thought. This has obscured the metaphysical foundation of the social problem they are attempting to resolve, reducing it to the language of a clash of conflicting interests, so that the difference between their political prescriptions is presumed merely to echo the different degrees of potential conflict they observe, rather than being a substantive difference. The conventional framing of such conflict as a security problem, a concern for the harm of one’s person and possessions, is replaced here with that of an insecurity problem: an anxiety about the inability to identify regular rules that attach attributes, including possessions, to persons. In social terms, the future having not been secured, it cannot be trusted to connect with the past and present in a continuum. On the interpretation proposed here, Locke and Hobbes offer radically different measures for the artificial generation of this ‘continuum’. Their divergence concerns the degree of control they assume political solutions can exert over the social parallel of the metaphysical ‘continuum’ problem. It is maintained that Hobbes proposes to reverse the causes of anxiety about the future by artificially generating a constant environment, detached from the fluctuations inherent to a mode.