The June 2016 UK referendum on EU membership is indicative of the challenges facing the EU, in terms of an apparent lack of unity and solidarity among its component member states. The very fact of a potential ‘Brexit’, and the ramifications that it might have, call into question the concept of European identity, indicative of a sense of belonging and attachment to a community beyond the confines of the nation-state. European identity has been conceived by both European elites and academics such as Jürgen Habermas, in his vision of ‘constitutional patriotism’, as something which can be constructed and fostered, in much the same way that national identity has been in the past. Euroscepticism tends to be associated with a lack of European identity, and an emphasis on nationalism.   However, such views downplay the importance still accorded to the nation-state, and the pervasiveness of nationalism. This study argues that European identity is first and foremost a construct of national discourse, and this affects the role that it plays in fostering support for the EU. Therefore, the research examines British national discourse on Europe and the EU, asking: Does the concept of European identity play a role in the Brexit debate? It considers this in relation to affective attachment to the nation-state, examining the kind of assumptions that such attachment enables. Given its emphasis on European identity as a rhetorical construct, this study uses a method of Critical Discourse Analysis, looking at political and public discourse in the UK over a three-month period in the lead up to the ‘Brexit’ referendum.   The findings confirm the pervasiveness of nationalist assumptions used in discourse, demonstrating that they are not associated solely with Euroscepticism. Moreover, the Brexit debate indicates the rhetorical nature of European identity rooted in shared culture or values. As a result, we see strange bedfellows: support for the EU is premised with an emphasis on national allegiance and belonging, while European identity (based on cultural similarity and belonging) is used as an argument against the EU. Both sides of the debate rely to some extent on a separation of ‘Europe’ and ‘EU’. Support for the EU, then, does not necessarily require a ‘thick’ identity, or that the bonds of nationalism be completely broken down. This prompts some reflection on the potential for identification with Europe based on rational, national self-interest.

The representation of the national minorities of Hungary in the historiography of the dualistic era (1867-1918) Imre Tarafás Abstract One of the most problematic questions of Hungarian politics during the dualistic era (1867-1918) was the policy towards national minorities. The population of five nationalities reached or even exceeded one million each. These minorities were not only large in population, but they were also touched by nationalist ideologies, as a result, they declared themselves nations which the Hungarian legislation was not willing to accept. In addition, most of these minorities had federative, or even separatist aims. The 19th century also saw the birth of history as a scientific discipline. Professional historians all over Europe had a crucial task: by construction a national history narrative, they had to legitimize the existence of their nation. This meant that the pas had to be presented as a process which inevitably led to the formation of the 19th century's nation sate. Additionally, history served as a basis for both the Magyars and the nationalities in their argumentation. The central question of the paper is how Magyar historians integrated the national minorities of the country into a national history narrative. The problem is studied in five syntheses on Hungarian history...

This Magister Thesis called "Nacionalism in Architecture: Opava / Troppau 1900-1938" is focusing on a specifically Central-European issue typical to a town situated in a cultural peripherie - merging of national tendencies originally formed as a sort of animosity between national majority and national minority, and vice versa. These tendencies are maped especially on the field of architecture. The wider cultural-historical situation of the era is characterized by the fall of Austro-Hungarian Empire, dawn of modern national states, and last but not least, the former German majority suddenly facing a completely new political ambiance. Therefore, the manifestations of architectural nationalism are closely linked to the defensive efforts of given nations. They all strive to preserve their traditional or newly fought positions. Thus, the major goal of the thesis is show how the political interests are demonstrated by the artistic means in the realm of architecture. Key words Nationalism Architecture Opava Silesia

Cette thèse propose une sociologie de l'engagement révolutionnaire et, plus singulièrement, des trajectoires révolutionnaires en situation coloniale et des trajectoires coloniales en situation révolutionnaire. Son objectif est de comprendre comment des Algériens colonisés deviennent révolutionnaires, comment ils font la révolution et comment ils cherchent à lui rester fidèle) à l'indépendance de l'Algérie. En prenant pour objet les dirigeants du courant de Messali Hadj membres du Conseil national révolutionnaire (CNR) à l'été 1954, nous tentons de dépasser les bornes chronologiques traditionnellement associée à la « guerre d'Algérie» pour étudier la formation d'une aristocratie révolutionnaire attachée à la forme partisane et à son chef historique. Sans réduire les devenirs messalistes au destin de leur leader emblématique, pionnier du nationalisme depuis l'entre-deux-guerres, nous soulignons le caractère situationnel du charisme messalien. Cette recherche invite à prendre en considération tout le travail des protagonistes intéressés par la trajectoire de la révolution algérienne (anticolonialistes, forces de répression, organisations concurrentes) et à prêter attention aux effets de structure dans l'analyse. À cet effet, des archives institutionnelles et privées ont été consultées, ainsi que la presse militante et des revues publiées sur plusieurs décennies. Des entretiens ont été réalisés avec des militants et leurs descendants en Algérie et en France. / This thesis proposes a sociology of the revolutionary commitment and, more strangely, the revolutionary trajectories in colonial situation and the colonial trajectories in revolutionary situation. Us objective is to understand how colonized Algerians become revolutionary, how they make the revolution and how they try to remain in it faithful to the independence of Algeria. By taking for object the leaders of the current of Messali Hadj members of revolutionary national council (CNR). In summer1954, we try to go too far chronological traditionally associated with the "Algerian War" ta study the making of revolutionary aristocracy attached to the partisan shape and ta his historic leader. Without reducing the becoming messalists in the rate of their symbolic leader, pioneer of the nationalism since the inter War period, we underline the situational character of the messalian charisma. This research invites ID consider all the work of the protagonists interested in the trajectory of the Algerian revolution (anticolonialists, strengths of repression, rival organizations) and to pay attention on the effects of structure in the analysis. For that purpose, institutional and private archives were consulted, as well as the militant press and magazines published on several decades. Interviews were realized with activists and their descendants in Algeria and in France.

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This study explores how subjectivity has been represented in a selection of Sorani Kurdish novels from Iraqi and Iranian Kurdistan that were published in the first decade of the twenty-first century. Due to the statelessness and suffering of the Kurds caused by the political and cultural oppression, the first Sorani Kurdish novel emerged as late as 1961 and yet only established itself towards the end of the century. Within such an acute context, the novel became a tool in the hands of Kurdish authors which they utilised to preserve and promote Kurdish identity, culture and language. With the establishment of cultural centres and publishing houses in diaspora during the 1980s, the establishment of a quasi-independent Kurdish region in Iraq in 1991, and the Iranian government’s easing of publication in Kurdish by the mid-1980, the Sorani Kurdish novelists seized the opportunity to redefine the relationship between political commitment and aesthetics and to consider the possibilities for an analysis of different forms of subjectivity. All the twenty-first century Sorani Kurdish novels examined in this research have discarded, to one degree or another, the realist mode of writing which dominated the Sorani Kurdish novel until the early 1990s. That is, experimentation with new modes of writing and narrative techniques are the common feature of the novels examined here. By carrying out a close reading within a contextual framework and by drawing on Mikhail M. Bakhtin’s theory of the novel, narratology, and theories of subjectivity, this study intends to illustrate the newly emergent modes of wriring and discourses in selected twenty-first century Sorani novels and their implications for the representation of reality and subjectivity. This study demonstrates that the Kurdish novelists from both Iraq and Iran all focus their attention on recent events, relevant to each region, and how they changed the ways subjectivity could be imagined and depicted. The more modernist and postmodernist in form and narration the selected novels are, the more fragmented and passive subjectivity is; and the society that is represented in these novels appears to have separated from its high values and ideals.

Thesis advisor: Ali Banuazizi / This project involves the examination of Kurdish nationalism in regard to the formation, transmission, and materialization of political memory. Focusing on developments of the 20th and 21st century, this analysis contextualizes the mobilization of Kurdish political consciousness within the modern forces of globalization, digital technology, mass media, and international governance. Substantial attention is paid to the role of radio, TV, and the Internet in the processes of national imagining and political discourse. NGOs and superstate institutions like the UN are also examined, as they play a fundamental role in integrating human rights language and sub-national movements like the Kurds. Additionally, the ways in which these developments are manifested through public spaces of memory provide insight into the parameters and aspirations undergirding Kurdish national identity. This project seeks to claim that traditional definitions and typologies of nationalism are insufficient, and that the nation, seen as a community of memory, provides better access points to understand how nations are created in the modern age. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2018. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Scholar of the College. / Discipline: Political Science.

Thesis advisor: Eve Spangler / At the conclusion of the 1967 War, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict returned to a contest between two national movements, Palestinian and Israeli, making competing claims to the same piece of territory. Over the ensuing 45 years, the discourse of each national movement has been littered with explicit and implicit references, acknowledgements and denunciations of the other. This study takes a critical reading approach to political discourse of each national movement with the goal of finding the place of the other in the imagined future of each group. By understanding the evolving place of the other in national movements that make exclusive claim to the same piece of territory, we are able to understand the irreconcilability that has characterized the Palestinian-Israeli conflict since the start of the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip in 1967 and the failure of the Oslo Process to bring about a negotiated solution. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2013. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Islamic Civilization and Society Honors Program. / Discipline: Islamic Civilizations .

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All western states today define themselves as nation-states, and all of these states have a political and economic structure in which an individual’s right to own private property is an underlying and pervasive feature. Drawing on examples from the historical trajectories of the US and Norway between ca 1760 and 1880, this dissertation explores the development of nation-states and the role of private property rights in this development. I demonstrate the fundamental role both of the idea of private property for the ideology of nationalism, and of the significance of a particular kind of property regime (widespread landowning) for the emergence and development of nationalism as historical phenomena. The evidence on which this dissertation relies has been extracted from historical documents consisting primarily of political pamphlets and speeches. The documents are chosen from what we can call “the national movement” e.g. dominant public debaters, policymakers and agitators. To compliment and contextualize my documentary analysis I have drawn on a range of secondary literature on social, historical and economic developments. The analysis has sought to unravel nationalism as an emerging historical phenomena in each of the cases investigated by focusing on authorial meaning in specific historical contexts. The core concept of nationalism has been arrived at by continuously comparing the developments in the US and Norway. The main points that this dissertation make are that it was the emergence of more widespread smallholding of land that was one of the most decisive preconditions for the emergence of nationalism in the US and Norway. Furthermore, this dissertation suggest that widespread ownership of land resulted in the emergence of a form of nationalism in which ownership of landed property was crucial because it became tied up with the idea of national popular sovereignty. Put in a simplified way: sovereignty was popular because property was popular (widespread). This connection was made mainly on the one hand from the real historical tie between ownership of land, juridical sovereignty and political powers, and on the other hand from the more conceptual similarity between property rights or ownership and sovereignty. I have identified two forms of nationalism based on the way that property was understood in the national ideology. The first form of the nation describes the agrarian phase of nationalism where it was real landed property that was seen to be crucial for the creation of national sovereignty. The second form of the nation describes a form of industrial nationalism. With the coming of industrial property and the expansion of wage labour, landed property lost its significance, and instead the right to the fruits of one’s labour was understood as the most important part of the property right. I have called this a shift from land to labour, or a transvaluation of property. This property rights perspective on nationalism in the US and Norway contributes to a new understanding of nationalism not only in these places but perhaps also in the western world in general. The development in the US and Norway can be seen in the wider context of the decline of feudalism and absolutism and the emergence of democratic, industrial societies in the western world. The landed, agrarian form of nationalism might in effect be a ‘missing link’ between pre- or proto-national forms of society (feudal, religious, absolutist, mercantilist, etc.), and the fully modern industrial form identified for example by Ernest Gellner. It is the connection between property (from land to labour) and sovereignty that unites them.