Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, 1995. / Director: Jeffrey N. Wasserstrom. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--George Washington University, 1981. / Includes bibliographical references.

Denna uppsats i etnologi handlar om hur Zlatan Ibrahimovic framställs och beskrivs utifrån en speciell konflikt under hösten 2006 och våren 2007 i Aftonbladet och Expressen. Denna konflikt började med att tre fotbollsspelare i det svenska A-landslaget i herrfotboll gick på krogen en kväll och fortsatte sedan med att Zlatan sa nej till detta landslag under en period. Jag menar att tidningarna producerar bilder av hur man bör och inte bör vara för att räknas som ”svensk” Media gör Zlatan Ibrahimovic till en motsats av ”svenskhet” och svensk nationalism. Jag upplever det som att Zlatan får stå som symbol för mycket mer än bara fotboll i dagens Sverige, han får representera bilden av ”invandraren”, av utanförskap, av individualism, han kan också ses som ett bevis på att alla kan lyckas bli en stjärna. Media både bekräftar rådande svenskhet och skapar svenskhet genom att beskriva Zlatan. Samtidigt upplever jag att media uppmanar Zlatan att bli en ”äkta svensk”, Zlatan, gör dig svensk!

A central theme in Pauline Melville’s novel, The Ventriloquist’s Tale, is the question of endogamy and exogamy, with the opposing alternatives embodied in Melville’s characters. This theme has received much attention in the critical commentaries generated by the novel, with a prevailing number of critics claiming that Melville proposes endogamy as the only option for indigenous communities to remain intact. However, such an argument overlooks the significant fact that Melville’s characters are always already the offspring of exogamous encounters, through which a multiplicity of boundaries have been permeated. Furthermore, the spatial motifs developed in the novel can be seen to undermine commonly accepted delimitations of supposedly homogenous groups, the nation-state constituting the prime example, and this in turn profoundly alters the notion of mixing. Consequently, contending that Melville even enters a debate on endogamy and exogamy stems from a predisposition to see the world in other terms than those Melville sets out in her novel. The nature of boundaries and borders in Melville’s fictitious world are therefore explored using Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities as a framework. This examination shows that the novel undermines the notion of the nation-state as a homogenous entity and reveals a global structure that dictates and drives interaction on a global scale. Consequently, instead of a debate on exogamy, we see in the novel an exploration and dismantling of notions of borders, boundaries and barriers between individuals and groups of people.

Abstract The purpose of this study is to examine how Greece’s migration system functions and how immigration and asylum policies manifest themselves during the countries current severe economic crisis. More precisely, examining how the regulatory framework and policies regarding refugees' and migrant situation effects practical implementation. The research questions raised are; - How are refugees and other migrants' rights in Greece respected, from a legal, political and moral perspective? What impact can racism have on the treatment of refugees and other migrants? A contextual analysis of ideas through an analysis of the political programs/agendas was used and contrasted, through theories concerning racism, nationalism and globalization to further nuance the situation concerning refugees' rights. Furthermore the study is analyzed through a HR perspective or more precisely through relevant conventions, regulations and EU directives. The conclusions are that Greece has laws and policies regarding migration, however these regulations have major flaws concerning their practical outcome. Improvements have been made to the migration system constituted of new government agencies intended to meet EU-standards, concerning the management of the asylum process. Unfortunately these improvements have been found wanting. Globalization is challenging the national and regional laws. EU and its regulations concerning asylum, does not take into account differentiated contextual realities concerning EU´s member states. People generally intend to travel through Greece and are consequently sent back to Greece by other EU states, without significant support it becomes problematic to handle this volume of people. The European Union’s protectionist policies create barriers and make access to the region more difficult, meanwhile people of other nationalities flee or migrate in hope of a more secure and humane existence. With xenophobia on the rise (both politically and socially) migrants face further difficulties, for instance fear of deportation can make the reporting of hate crimes to the authorities complicated to say the least.

Conventional wisdom suggests that ‘nations without states’ are seeking to preserve cultural and linguistic homogeneity within their homeland by advocating for independence or political autonomy. Accordingly, large-scale immigration has typically been seen as a threat to national minorities because newcomers tend to integrate into the culture of the majority group. In addition, even if immigrants learn the minority’s language, they are unlikely to sympathize with the nationalist movement or vote for nationalist parties. This dissertation seeks to explain why Basque nationalism, despite its historical grounding in racism and exclusivity, developed a group-based multicultural approach in response to foreign immigration. To account for this unexpected outcome, I develop two interrelated causal arguments that integrate the role of ideas and the imperative of nation building for nationalist elites. Nations are forged by a rich legacy of memories and nationalist history requires both an act of collective remembering and collective amnesia. The ideas that stem from the memories of repression constrained the choices of Basque nationalists, preventing the rise of ideas of racial purity and exclusion in favour of multiculturalism and openness. A second argument that I advance is that changing contexts are motivating nationalist elites to find new policy areas with which to distinguish the values of the majority and minority nation. The emergence of a stricter immigration framework in Spain and a backlash against multiculturalism in Europe provided Basque nationalists with an opportunity to link open citizenship and multiculturalism to the distinctiveness of the Basque nation. I apply the arguments developed through an in-depth study of the Basque case to the nationalist movements in Scotland, Quebec, and Flanders and conclude that diversity is an effective, but risky, new value that minority nationalists are employing to further their case for independence.

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Communication

El objetivo central de la tesis doctoral es investigar la importancia de las bases territoriales del nacionalismo catalán, y sobre todo el proceso a través del cual la nación viene a ser definida en términos territoriales. Se puede referir a este proceso como la producción y reproducción territorial de la nación, o la socialización nacional territorial. Así, la tesis propone un estudio cronológico de este proceso en el caso del nacionalismo catalán, desde su inicios en el siglo XIX hasta la actualidad, caracterizada por lo que podemos llamar la globalización. Dentro de este objetivo general, la tesis define el nacionalismo como movimiento e ideología que promueve reivindicaciones en nombre de la nación. Una de las reivindicaciones más importantes es que la nación debe tener o su propio estado o al menos un alto grado de autonomía política. Ya que el ejercicio de tal poder político es necesariamente territorial, el nacionalismo está obligado a controlar o reivindicar un territorio. Sin embargo, la hipótesis principal postula que el nacionalismo no solamente controla o reivindica un territorio concreto, sino que invierte en él un significado especial para convertirlo en territorio nacional. A partir de aquí, para el nacionalismo, la nación viene a ser definida en términos del propio territorio nacional, de modo que la identidad nacional se deriva del territorio. Cómo consecuencia de ello, el control por parte de los nacionalistas sobre territorio y los recursos y personas que contiene queda perfectamente justificado: sus reivindicaciones político-territoriales en nombre de la nación son justificados por el hecho de que la propia nación nace del territorio. En un segundo término, de la hipótesis general, se deriva una segunda hipótesis, construida sobre dos premisas básicas. En primer lugar, la construcción del territorio nacional inevitablemente implica la unificación de lugares distintos dentro de una jerarquía especial, en cuyo punto más alto normalmente se encuentra la capital. Al mismo tiempo, y en segundo lugar, la identidad nacional es una mezcla de identidades procedentes de lugares y zonas concretos que son ampliados para convertirse en componentes de una identidad nacional del territorio entero. La hipótesis es que la identidad nacional resultante de este proceso reflejarán las relaciones existentes en la sociedad. Para avanzar los argumentos con el fin de justificar las hipótesis planteadas, la tesis se divide en dos partes, cada una de cuatro capítulos, además de la introducción y las conclusiones. La primera trata cuestiones generales, sobre el nacionalismo, las bases territoriales de su relación con la nación a través de la identidad nacional, y los posibles cambios que la globalización pueda suponer para esta relación. La segunda parte, desarrolla estos debates en el contexto del nacionalismo catalán y analiza cómo éste ha producido y reproducido la nación catalana territorialmente a lo largo de los últimos dos siglos.En términos generales, se puede concluir que las hipótesis planteadas en la primera parte se confirman en el caso del nacionalismo catalán. Efectivamente, éste reivindica el control sobre un territorio en nombre de la nación. Al mismo tiempo, la nación es producida y reproducida en términos del mismo territorio. Este proceso es una constante en el nacionalismo catalán, desde sus inicios hasta el presente. Además, en el caso del nacionalismo conservador, se realiza un esfuerzo muy claro para situar geográficamente la esencia de la nación catalana en ciertos lugares y zonas rurales del país. En el contexto actual, caracterizado por la compresión del espacio y del tiempo, las bases territoriales del nacionalismo catalán no se han visto alteradas considerablemente, aunque ciertas tendencias podrían minar la primacía de la identidad nacional a largo plazo. / The main objective of the thesis is to investigate the importance of the territorial bases of Catalan nationalism, and, above all, the process by which the nation comes to be defined in territorial terms. We might refer to this process as the territorial production and reproduction of the nation, or national territorial socialisation. Thus, the thesis offers a chronological study of this process in the case of Catalan nationalism, from its beginnings in the 19th century until present times, characterised by what we might call globalization.Within this overall objective, the thesis defines nationalism as a movement and ideology that makes claims in the name of the nation. One of the most important claims is that the nation must either have its own state or a high degree of political autonomy. Given that the exercise of such political power is necessarily territorial, nationalism is obliged to control o claim a territory.The main hypothesis makes the case that rather than merely controlling or seeking to control a given territory, nationalism attaches special meaning to it so that it becomes the national territory. From here, for nationalism, the nation itself comes to be defined in terms of the national territory, so that national identity is derived from that territory. Consequently, nationalist control over territory and the resources and persons contained therein is perfectly justified: the politico-territorial claims in the name of the nation are justified because the nation itself stems from the territory. On a second plain, from this overall hypothesis, we might derive a second that is based on two premises. Firstly, the construction of the national territory inevitably involves the unification of different places within the overall national spatial hierarchy, which is generally dominated by the capital. At the same time, the resulting national identity is a mixture of identities from different places and areas, that are subsequently amplified to become elements of the national identity of the whole territory. The hypothesis here is that the resulting national identity will reflect existing relations of power within the society in question.With the aim of putting forward arguments to validate the hypotheses, the thesis is divided into two parts, each one with four chapters, along with an introduction and conclusions. The first part is concerned with general-level questions regarding nationalism, the territorial bases of its relationship with the nation through national identity, and the possible changes that globalization might imply for this relationship. The second part develops theses questions in the context of Catalan nationalism and analyses how the latter has produced and reproduced the Catalan nation territorially throughout the last two centuries.By way of conclusions, the hypotheses developed in the first part are confirmed in the case of Catalan nationalism. In effect, it claims control over a territory in the name of the nation, while at the same time the nation is produced and reproduced in terms of the territory itself. This process is a constant in Catalan nationalism, from its beginnings until the present day. In addition, in the case of conservative nationalism, there is a clear attempt to situate geographically the essence of the Catalan nation in certain rural places and areas of the country. In the present context, characterised by time-space compression, the territorial bases of Catalan nationalism have not be substantially altered, although certain tendencies associated with globalization might undermine the primacy of national identity in the long run.

Den här uppsatsen är en statistisk jämförelse mellan valresultat och arbetslöshet både över tid och mellan kommuner över två val i Östergötland och i Birkaland i Finland. Jag jämför Sverigedemokraternas väljarbas med Sannfinländarnas och vilka utgångspunkter de har för sin väljarbas. Sverigedemokraterna har massinvandringen som utgångspunkt och Sannfinländarna har småborgerlig världsbild som utgångspunkt. / This essay is a statistical correlation between electoral results and unemployment, both over time and between municipalities over two elections in Östergötland in Sweden and in Pirkanmaa, Finland. I compare the Sweden Democrats voters with the True Finns and the starting points they have for their tactic to atract voters. The Sweden Democrats have mass immigration as a starting point and the True Finns, the petty bourgeoisie as a starting point.

Syftet med denna studie har varit att undersöka om ett nationalistiskt budskap förekommer i tre svenska morgontidningars rapportering om fyra uppmärksammade extraordinära händelser inom svensk idrott. Undersökningen har genomförts i två delstudier, dels en kvalitativ textanalys och dels en intervjuundersökning. Undersökningen tar sin utgångspunkt i teorier som grundar sig i journalistiska arbetsmetoder så som gatekeeping-teorin och tidigare forskning om nationalism och sport som teorin om National Sporting Heroes. I den kvalitativa textanalysen var syftet att undersöka hur sportjournalister vid Dagens Nyheter, Göteborgsposten och Sydsvenskan rapporterade om de fyra uppmärksammade svenska idrottshändelserna: Tennisspelaren Mats Wilanders kokainskandal, häcklöperskan och bobåkaren Ludmila Engquists dopningskandal, Sverige och Danmarks 2-2-match i fotbolls-EM 2004 och brottaren Ara Abrahamians pallprotest i Peking-OS 2008. Den centrala forskningsfrågan var om det funnits ett nationalistiskt budskap i rapporteringen och hur det i så fall kom till uttryck. För att få en tydligare bild av hur journalister som skrev artiklar om de fyra utvalda idrottshändelserna reflekterar över hur de rapporterade genomförde vi en andra delstudie med kvalitativa samtalsintervjuer med journalister som undersökningsdeltagare. Ett viktigt syfte med denna delstudie var att fånga in de verksamma journalisternas reflektioner över hur nyhetsvärderingen går till på de undersökta tidningarnas sportredaktioner vid skandaler och bragder. Utöver dessa två delstudier, som alltså är undersökningens empiriska del, har vi även gjort några nedslag i utländsk press för att få en bild av hur utländska medier rapporterade om de fyra undersökta idrottshändelserna. Undersökningens resultat visar att de undersökta tidningarna, förmedlade ett tydligt nationalistiskt budskap i sin rapportering om de fyra idrottshändelserna med uttalade starka åsikter i såväl krönikor som i artiklar. Vidare är ett resultat att de journalister som deltog som intervjupersoner inte har en samstämmig bild av hur de uppfattar och förhåller sig till nationalism som begrepp och företeelse. Undersökningens resultat visar också att intresset för de fyra aktuella idrottshändelserna förefaller ha varit låg i utlandet jämfört med hur dessa händelser uppmärksammades i svenska medier.