Thesis advisor: Marilyn Cochran-Smith / In this critical ethnography I examined Teach First, the U.K. teacher education program modeled after Teach For America (TFA). Teach First described itself as "a unique business-led programme dedicated to addressing educational disadvantage by placing elite graduates in the schools that need them most" (Teach First, 2010). Teach First was thus problematically positioned at the crossroads of both neoliberal and progressive ideologies. My research addressed this problem by uncovering Teach First's theory of teacher education for social justice by applying a framework developed by Marilyn Cochran-Smith (2010) to interviews, observations, and artifacts that I collected at the 2008 Teach First Summer Institute. I then critiqued this theory using the tools of "Policy Sociology," a British research tradition that examines the political, ideological, and economic assumptions that drive education policy. My research led me to identify Teach First as a "progressive neoliberal" (Lahann and Reagan, in press) organization which is driven entirely by a theory of teacher education for social justice based on the idea of justice as distribution. This theory explains why the staff of Teach First appreciated the organization to have a mission of social justice while at the same time endorsing and promoting neoliberal policies which conflict with many theories of teacher education for social justice that draw from theories of justice as recognition. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2010. / Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education. / Discipline: Teacher Education, Special Education, Curriculum and Instruction.

O presente trabalho se propõe a comparar duas experiências de instauração dos princípios neoliberais na América Latina, Argentina e Venezuela, seus principais reflexos socioeconômicos e a construção de alternativas que recuperam o protagonismo do Estado como propulsor do desenvolvimento. A combinação de diversos elementos recorrentes na história política da América Latina, tais como os constantes e agudos distúrbios socioeconômicos e a fragilidade das instituições, constituíram um terreno fértil para que se implementasse de maneira acrítica um conjunto de políticas de caráter ortodoxo que levariam a um dos mais profundos processos de concentração de renda já existentes na história do sistema capitalista. O esgotamento deste modelo, no entanto, evidenciado pelos massivos protestos populares que tomaram as ruas das principais cidades argentinas e venezuelanas, assim como pelo risco que representou de que novas rupturas democráticas ocorressem nestes países, criou o cenário necessário para que projetos políticos progressistas encabeçados por outsiders da política nacional chegassem ao poder. As vitórias eleitorais de Hugo Chávez na Venezuela e de Néstor Kirchner na Argentina foram, então, a expressão não apenas do fracasso do neoliberalismo como modelo econômico na América Latina, como também da certeza de que os problemas sociais não podiam ser resolvidos por outro ator que não o Estado. A profundidade das reformas que foram promovidas por estes governos não nos impede, no entanto, de reconhecer as contradições que engendram e o bastante limitado êxito que tiveram suas iniciativas de transformar as estruturas econômicas dos seus respectivos países. É, por tanto, fundamental que busquemos compreender a estes fenômenos de maneira profunda e esta investigação representa um esforço neste sentido. O presente trabalho busca, portanto, comparar os projetos nacionais desenvolvidos na Argentina e na Venezuela entre 2003 e 2013 com o fim de observar se, de fato, tais processos apresentam importante grau de flexibilização do neoliberalismo, ademais de analisar se a construção dos novos arranjos econômicos, sociais e partidários nestes países nos permitem afirmar que a Argentina e a Venezuela caminham em direção à implementação de um modelo econômico que possa ser caracterizado como neodesenvolvimentista. / This present work intends to compare two experiences of establishment of neoliberal principles on Latin America, Argentina and Venezuela, its main socioeconomic reflections and the construction of alternatives that retrieve the role of the State as the propeller of the development. The combination of several recurring elements in the political history of Latin America, such as the constant and acute socioeconomic disturbances and the fragility of the institutions, composed a fertile ground for the implementation in an acritic manner a set of orthodoxy character policies that led to one of the most deep processes of income concentration ever existent in the history of the capitalist system. The depletion of this model, however, evidenced by the massive popular protests which took the streets of the main cities of Argentina and Venezuela, as well as by the risk it represented if new democratic ruptures occurred in those countries, created the necessary scenery for progressionist political projects headed by outsiders of the national politic to arrive into the power. The electoral victories of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela and Néstor Kirchner in Argentina were, then, the expression not only of the failure of neoliberalism as an economic model in Latin America, as well as the certitude that social problems could not be solved by other actors besides the State. The depth of the reforms promoted by these governments does not inhibit us, however, from acknowledging the contradictions that engender and the very limited outcome their initiatives to transform the economic structures of its respective countries had. It is, therefore, imperative seeking to comprehend these phenomena in a deeper manner and this investigation represents an effort in that direction. Hence, the present work seeks to compare the national projects developed in Argentina and Venezuela between 2003 and 2013 as a way to observe if, de facto, such projects present an important degree of flexibility of the neoliberalism, besides analyzing if the construction of new economic, social and party arrangements in these countries allow us to state that Argentina and Venezuela move towards the implementation of an economic model that can be characterized as neodevelopmentist.

Esta Tese tem como tema de pesquisa as relações entre crianças e adultos na Contemporaneidade. Caracteriza-se como uma pesquisa do presente que empreende um olhar genealógico para compreender práticas atuais entre os sujeitos infantis e os sujeitos adultos. Este estudo inscreve-se numa perspectiva pós-estruturalista de pensar a Educação e seus contornos, a partir do aporte teórico dos Estudos Foucaultianos, especialmente com as noções de genealogia e governamentalidade. A considerar que, na Contemporaneidade, há deslocamentos nas formas de viver o exercício do governamento infantil, esta pesquisa tem como objetivo compreender as condições de possibilidade que estabeleceram o exercício das práticas, entre crianças e adultos, nos mais distintos espaços, bem como problematizar o sentido que essas práticas assumem no contemporâneo. Para tanto, foram analisados os seguintes documentos, Programas e Leis: Declaração dos Direitos da Criança (1959), Constituição Federal (1988), Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (1990), Programa Primeira Infância Melhor (2006) e Lei Menino Bernardo (2014). Tal análise possibilita compreender que, na Contemporaneidade, está sendo produzida uma infância de direito e uma infância protagonista. Essas formas de compreender a infância foram consideradas como algumas das condições de possibilidade para as práticas atuais entre sujeitos infantis e adultos. Com o olhar de pesquisador cartógrafo, foram selecionadas e analisadas situações do cotidiano que evidenciaram deslocamentos do exercício de governamento entre crianças e adultos, movimento que foi nomeado nesta Tese como infantocracia. / This thesis has - as a research theme - the relationships between children and adults in the Contemporaneity. It is characterized as a current research, which adopts a genealogical point of view to understand current practices between infant and adult subjects. This study follows a post - structuralist perspective of thinking about Education and its outlines, based on the theoretical contribution of Foucault Studies, especially through the notions of genealogy and governmentality. Considering there is a movement in the ways of practicing children's governance, in contemporaneity, this research aims at understanding the conditions of possibility that established these practices, between children and adults, in the most distinct spaces, as well as questioning the meaning that these practices assume in the contemporary. Therefore, the following documents, Programs and Laws were analyzed: Declaração dos Direitos da Criança (1959), Constituição Federal (1988), Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (1990), Programa Primeira Infância Melhor (2006) e Lei Menino Bernardo (2014). This analysis made it possible to understand that, in the Contemporaneity, a rights childhood and a leading childhood were produced. These forms of understanding childhood were considered as being some of the conditions of possibility for the current practices among children and adults. Through the view of researcher cartographer, we selected and analyzed everyday situations that evidenced this movement of the exercise of governance between children and adults, a movement that was named in this thesis as infantocracy. Based on the analyzes, it was possible to affirm that the principle of full protection - noticed in the different studied documents - can be considered a strategy to gather the child population, and that the constitution of these subjects (as protagonists and subjects of rights) is presented as a condition of possibility for the emergence of infantocratic practices. Such practices, taken as central in this study, trigger the formation of flexible, healthy, self-entrepreneurs, and proactive subjects: necessary characteristics for the subjects of neoliberal governmentality. It is also possible to affirm that infantocratic practices constitute a change in the ways of understanding and of living the relationships among children and adults in Contemporaneity, and that they are only achievable thought the grid of intelligibility of the neoliberal governmentality. Therefore, this thesis supported the following statement: from the conditions that established the child as a protagonist and subject of rights - established in the neoliberal political rationality of our time - there are changes in the ways of understanding and of living the practice of governance practices among adults and children, named here as infantocratic practices.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-04T18:32:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Areta Held Previatti.pdf: 667777 bytes, checksum: d763a39dd21af6a4e6f19e790d2ddaca (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-02-20 / The subject matter of this study aims to context the university s autonomy regarding superior organs, considering the actual neoliberal scenario. Therefore, we have acknowledged the history of higher education in Brazil, investigating the factors that guide and interfere in the university s autonomy. Moreover, we aimed to investigate how social, political and economic factors influence and interfere in these institutions, indicating until what point the universities have autonomy in their educative, administrative and financial actions. Objecting to collect real data we did six interviews with both public and private university presidents in Sao Paulo state. This collected data was articulated with our theoretical referential in order to develop a critical and problematical analysis. The results obtained reflects that the universities still don t have the autonomy level desired by the majority of the people interviewed and the area experts. However, the fight for a more autonomous university is alive. The university s autonomy is a process that can be taken. We expect by the end of this research to contribute to the discussions regarding the higher education in Brazil. / O presente estudo tem como principal problem?tica a contextualiza??o da autonomia das universidades em rela??o aos ?rg?os superiores, dentro do atual ide?rio neoliberal. Procuramos conhecer a hist?ria da educa??o superior, investigar os fatores que regem e interferem na autonomia das universidades, analisar como os elementos sociais, pol?ticos e econ?micos influenciam e interv?m nessas institui??es e por fim, constatar at? que ponto as universidades t?m autonomia nas suas a??es educativas, administrativas e financeiras. A fim de coletar dados da realidade realizamos seis entrevistas com gestores de universidades p?blicas e privadas do estado de S?o Paulo. Esses dados foram articulados com nosso referencial te?rico para uma an?lise cr?tica da problem?tica. Os resultados mostraram que as universidades ainda n?o possuem o grau de autonomia desejado pela maioria dos entrevistados e estudiosos da ?rea, mas a luta por uma universidade mais aut?noma est? viva. A autonomia universit?ria constitui-se como um processo poss?vel de realiza??o. Esperamos, com o t?rmino deste trabalho, contribuir para as discuss?es em rela??o ao ensino superior brasileiro.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo demonstrar como o direito, ao passo em que exerce função essencial como instrumento de dominação entre classes sociais, apresenta-se também como importante instrumento de resistência política da classe trabalhadora. Tal importância ultrapassa a simples efetividade das normas no campo jurídico e ganha especial relevância na forma como se traduzem juridicamente as lutas de classes, o que faz com que as reivindicações políticas transformadas em direitos, por mais que em grande medida se neutralizem de acordo com os interesses hegemônicos, permaneçam no horizonte político da sociedade, alimentando a tensão por transformação social. Para tanto, este trabalho percorre um itinerário teórico dividido em três movimentos. Inicialmente, estuda a forma como se constitui e complexifica a noção de ideologia nas obras de Karl Marx, desde as obras iniciais até sua reflexão mais madura. O segundo movimento é dedicado a localizar o papel exercido pelo direito no conjunto da ideologia social e indaga as possibilidades de uma teoria da ideologia jurídica. Em seu terceiro e último movimento, a fim de demonstrar concretamente a problemática da tese, dedica-se à investigação da relação entre ambiguidade e resistência no caso dos direitos sociais, em especial os direitos dos trabalhadores previstos na Constituição brasileira de 1988, cuja vigência se dá sob forte pressão neoliberal. Neste passo, aproveita-se fartamente do diálogo com a sociologia crítica do trabalho contemporânea, no intuito de verificar como as lutas concretas dos trabalhadores transitam entre o direito, a política e a ideologia. / The present work intends to show how law plays not only an essential function as an instrument of domination between social classes, but it is also an important element of working class political resistance. This importance exceeds the rules established in the juridical field and reaches special relevance in the way that it translates class struggles, what makes political claims turned into rights, in spite of the fact that its large measure could be neutralized according to hegemonic interests, remaining on the societys political surface, feeding the social transformation tension. This work follows a theoretical line divided in three movements. Firstly, it studies the way that ideological notion in Karl Marxs work is established and complexified, since the beginning of his works until the most mature ideas developed by him. The second movement intends to find the role played by law in the social ideological field questioning the possibilities of a juridical ideologys theory. The third and last movement, is developed with the main intention to show effectively what this thesis is all about, it also proposes an investigation on the relations between ambiguity and resistance in social rights case, mainly based on workers rights provided in 1988s Brazilian Constitution under the neoliberal pressure. In this sense the discourse of the contemporary critical sociology of work is widely used, aiming to verify how real working class fights flows through the law, politics and ideology.

In this dissertation, I interrogate the relationship of the smartphone as a mobile screen technology with time-consciousness demanded of the entrepreneurial self in South Korea since the 1997 financial crisis. Neoliberalism has been largely discussed in terms of the structural shift in economy by the S. Korean mass media. However, neoliberalism is not merely an economic shift, but an overhaul of society, whose impact is rehearsed and reinforced in culture. One of the key elements of this culture is the idealization of entrepreneurism. I explain the rise of entrepreneurship, especially self-improvement as life ethic in neoliberal S. Korea. I also discuss it in relation to the developmental democratic citizenship, meaning that democratization in the late 1980s has been co-opted by the national motto of S. Korea, “economy first” established under dictatorship in the 1970s. Within such neoliberal culture, the smartphone socializes users into relentlessly self-improving subjects, offering what I describe as the “attractions of participation.” I examine the perceptual relationships between the mobile screen and the entrepreneurial self, particularly set up by two specific apps: the Facebook app and a series of the tourist augmented reality apps called In My Hands launched by the S. Korean government to promote tourism in the country. The Facebook app, I suggest, promotes self-therapy that is built through a new mode of autobiographical narrative that joins together fragmented events, experiences, or thoughts in a user’s day with others. Self-therapy is also performed through incessant scrolling and checking. This mode of construction of self-identity is a response to and participates in neoliberal ethic of self-care in S. Korea under the hyper stimulated affective universe of contemporary capitalism. The tourist AR apps produce the “knowledge worker,” i.e., the self-motivated, self-educated and driven intellectual labor of the global gig economy. These apps encourage the user to seek information about heritage sites instantaneously and as if in a game, reconfiguring the user’s relation to the place. I also contrast these apps with contemporary arts practices that pose alternative temporalities in terms of a notion of community and history. I explore Heung-soon Im’s documentary film Factory Complex (2014) and Hyun-suk Seo’s performance Heterotopia (2011), for their surrealistic evocation of the disorientations and contradictions of the neoliberal turn in S. Korea. In conclusion, I suggest the user’s contingent and alternative relation to the mobile screen through individual practices, along with the example of the democratic movement from 2016 winter to 2017 spring in S. Korea. Overall this dissertation develops an understanding of the entrepreneurial individual in a neoliberal world. It elaborates on the contradictions in neoliberalism between individual freedom and the voluntary subjugation to capital by the increasing precarity of life. This dissertation offers an understanding of the neoliberal culture of self-improvement and its relation to the mobile screen in S. Korean context. In addition, this is a theoretical attempt to understand the visuality of the computerized screen. It raises a question computer user is indeed an emancipated spectator occupying multiple perspectives. Lastly, this dissertation provides an opportunity to reconsider a variety of media art practices highlighting interactivity and participation in terms of subjectivity and time-consciousness.

Costa Rica is heralded as a leader in social and environmental issues and an example of a successful development story. However, how does this singular narrative minimize the more complex lived experiences of people? I introduce nuances to the story of Costa Rica by centering the lived experiences of women, drawing on primary data from questionnaires and interviews, and situating my research within the long history of cooperatives in Costa Rica, to learn more about issues women face and opportunities these institutions may offer. When looking through the lens of everyday experiences, we see that despite the significant progress in creating a safe country for all, women still experience inequality, discrimination, and violence. My hope is by including women’s voices, we move beyond the “single story” toward a more nuanced understanding of multilayered lives of Costa Rican women and an appreciation for the opportunities they seek and create.

Drawing on interviews and archival material, this thesis examines how the crisis of the 1970s and the rising power of business under the neoliberal settlement that followed impacted on the BBC’s organisational structure, policies and journalistic practices. Part I focuses on the breakdown of social democracy. Orientated towards and legitimised by the social order that seemed under strain, the politically appointed BBC leadership took a conscious conservative turn and, under pressure from the government, sought to curtail the influence of union militancy and sixties radicalism and to stem its own ‘fiscal crisis’ through wage repression. Meanwhile, despite facing criticism over its economic reporting, which routinely blamed trades unions for the perceived economic decline and crisis, the BBC leadership refused to even seriously question long standing editorial conventions. This, it is argued, left an explanatory vacuum that the New Right were able to skilfully exploit. Part II describes the process of change that the BBC then underwent in the wake of Thatcherism. It argues that the highly unpopular organisational reforms introduced under the leadership of John Birt represented an institutionalisation of the new neoliberal order at the BBC. It describes how business journalism came to displace social democratic patterns of reporting as a result of both top down initiatives and a range of external factors including privatisation and financialisation, the changing political economy of the private media and the power of advertising and public relations. By analysing archival and interview material in the light of scholarly work on neoliberalism, broadcasting and power, the thesis offers an empirically rich account of the subtle ways in which journalistic norms are shaped by wider social forces and a more satisfactory account of the BBC and its role in British society than existing studies.

This dissertation examines the bread subsidy in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. It scrutinizes the socio-political conflicts that surround this policy, the spatial practices that subsume it and the ways in which it is understood and given meaning. Despite repeated attempts by international financial institutions to eliminate them, authoritarian regimes throughout the region have gone to great lengths to maintain this and similar welfare programs, even extending them during the tumult of the so-called ‘Arab Spring.’ This dissertation seeks to answer why. Through the lens of bread, I suggest a new approach to understanding state power, not as the straightforward product of a monolithic entity but as the unstable product of social practices that make the state appear to exist. Building on the work of Judith Butler and Alex Jeffrey, I call these routine actions “performing the state.” The empirical chapters, based on extensive fieldwork in Jordan, attend to how welfare provision not only reflects the state—its capacities, historical development or cultural proclivities—but performs it into being. The analysis centers on how certain institutions and actors, through their imbrication in the social, spatial and political patterns of welfare provision, work to entrench the state—as an idea, a material force and a locus of affective investment—in the lives of citizens. In attending to how the Jordanian state is constituted and reproduced through discourses, spatial practices of reach, moral economies and political rationalities, this study seeks to illuminate the iterative processes of reference that create the appearance of an autonomous structure that both citizens and scholars call the state. By understanding the state as the contingent product of routine performances, we can better examine the disproportionate importance of particular welfare programs to assembling state power and fostering authoritarian outcomes, as well as their links to key political processes and policy outcomes.

This thesis seeks to create a more robust concept of resistance that may respond to the crisis of liberal democracy in contemporary neoliberal society. The crisis comes as a result of increasing dissatisfaction with the liberal democratic institutions, which are viewed by citizens as unrepresentative and unresponsive to their political demands. I argue that the post-2008 wave of protest movements represents an important attempt at challenging neoliberalism through the political project of radicalising democracy. Drawing upon different post-Marxist and poststructuralist approaches in contemporary political theory, the key theoretical contribution of the thesis is to elucidate the relationship between radical politics of protest movements and the existing political institutions. I suggest that the relation between the two is antagonistic largely due to the tension in liberal democracy between liberal institutions and rights and popular sovereignty. To this end, I argue that the political project of theorising radical democracy needs to be complemented with a political economy analysis. The political project of radicalising democracy responds to the limitations of the pluralist-elitist conception of politics in contemporary democratic theory and points towards social movement and new radical left literature as a fruitful way for constructing an alternative model of democracy. In response to the objection to power in parts of the radical left, I maintain that a more nuanced understanding of resistance is needed, which accounts for the structural relation between resistance and power. Finally, to properly account for the structural conditions and obstacles facing the radical left in the struggle against neoliberalism, the thesis also provides an economic-institutional analysis, which explains the ideological relationship between liberal democracy and neoliberalism from a historical perspective. The different theoretical contributions together help elucidate the empirical case of radical politics in Southern Europe and the challenges lying ahead.