A fully functioning Comprehensive nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) is essential for a world free of nuclear weapons. To measure radionuclides in the atmosphere in accordance with the CTBT, facilities such as SAUNA uses double coincidence techniques to discriminate between interesting Xenon isotopes. In this paper, a Monte-Carlo code (open source) based on first principles simulating a radionuclide detector has been built to investigate the viability of triple coincidence methods for measurements of $^{131m}$Xe, $^{133m}$Xe, $^{133}$Xe and $^{135}$Xe and found that by measuring $\beta - $ Ce $-$ X-ray coincides in $^{133}$Xe and $^{135}$Xe one could seperate the 30 keV photon energy region of interest by as much as $42.9 \pm 26.8$ keV and $214 \pm 50.8$ keV away from the original electron $-$ photon energy axes measured in SAUNA, using concentrations of Xenon isotopes typical for a nuclear weapons test one day after testing. The conclusion is that triple  coincidence  is  a  viable  method  for  nuclear weapons detection in light of double coincidence methods,  if only considering this  theoretical  approach.   No  conclusions  on  the  practicality  of  triple  coincidence methods in a CTBT could be drawn from these results.

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The world has been concerned with the problem of nuclear disarmament since their first use in 1945, as they represent a consistent danger to all humankind. Effects of use or mere failure of technical facilities cannot be limited only to combatants. On the contrary, it is certain that in such case an overwhelming number of people would die and suffer. Apart from that, environment and infrastructure would be devastated, there would be serious climate changes and other catastrophical consequences. No country in the world is ready to face such a situation and to react adequately, especially when its economy has been severely harmed. Possible consequences of the use of nuclear weapons are addressed in the first chapter of this thesis. Second chapter explores already achieved level of legal regulation in areas of nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. In the third chapter the process of creation of Treaty on Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons from 2017, which aims at total elimination of nuclear weapons, is mapped in detail. Text of the Treaty itself including its flaws is analysed in chapter four. Following chapter five explains, why Treaty must be perceived "only" as a framework agreement, and goes through suggested provisions, which were not included in the final text. Chapter six is dealing with the matter of...

Masters of Commerce / Highly enriched uranium (HEU) is one of the most dangerous materials in the world, because it is a key ingredient in making a nuclear bomb. If a terrorist organisation can get HEU, it would be close to making a nuclear bomb. After South Africa disarmed its nuclear weapons, it kept HEU that was extracted from the nuclear bombs. The US tried to persuade South Africa to blend down its HEU into low enriched uranium (LEU) or give it up for safekeeping. However, South Africa refused to give it up. After a breach at Pelindaba, a national key point facility where South Africa stores its HEU, the US intensified its efforts to pressure South Africa to give its HEU up. It even promised incentives to South Africa should they agree to give it up, but South Africa refused. The US used the nuclear terrorism narrative to justify its initiative to eliminate vulnerable materials in the world. However, South Africa is yet to be swayed. This is odd since South Africa's refusal can negatively affect its credentials as a nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament champion and its image as a norm entrepreneur. The objective of the study was to understand the role played by HEU in South Africa's nuclear diplomacy. It was to explore HEU as a factor in the state's nuclear diplomacy and to understand the power of having HEU in nuclear negotiations, as well as what SA intends to do with its HEU. The study is framed theoretically by drawing on foreign policy theory, namely middle-power theory, and revisionism. It juxtaposed middle power, reformist, and revisionist positions with status quo foreign policy to analyse the role of HEU in South Africa's nuclear diplomacy. As a middle power with a moral high ground, South Africa hoped that it can affect change in the nuclear regime. However, when this did not occur its foreign policy shifted to a revisionist character that is discontent with the status quo in the nuclear regime. SA is dissatisfied with the current nuclear order and wants it revised towards liberal values such as equality and non-discrimination. It views the current nuclear order as nuclear apartheid. Therefore, South Africa uses HEU as leverage against nuclear weapon states in nuclear diplomacy. It is using HEU as an act of defiance against nuclear weapon states (such as the US) that are yet to disarm their nuclear weapons.

Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons was adopted in 2017. A variety of countrieschose to join, take a position as observers or reject the treaty completely. In this study anexamination of two cases where the country chose to take a position as observers, which isSchweiz and Sweden. The empirical material is two consequence analysis documentspresented by each country. A purpose with this study is to analyze arguments for and againstthe treaty, which is found in the empirical material, to explain why Schweiz and Swedenchose not to join the treaty. This is done in relation to the aspects; humanitarian dimension,security, cooperation and the substantial content of the treaty. Further analysis is based on theinternational relations theories liberalism and realism, which are used as approaches topresent explanations as to why these countries chose to be observers instead of joining thetreaty. The study has shown that a majority of the argument against the treaty is found to bestronger than the argument for joining the treaty, with an exception for arguments about thehumanitarian dimension where the argument for the treaty is stronger. Explanations presentedwith the theoretical approaches result in security playing a big role in the decision, as well asfuture cooperation with other countries based on security and a better possibility to continuedisarmament of nuclear weapons.

Nuclear weapons pose a threat to humanity and a disaster waiting to happen; should tragedy occur the humanitarian sector will undoubtedly be among the first to respond to the needs of the victims. The scale and scope of a nuclear disaster is bound to be far beyond the capability and capacity of states to adequately address, let alone humanitarian organizations. The thesis therefore explores actions available to the humanitarian sector in the form of advocacy in favour of nuclear disarmament and seeking the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. To achieve this the present work suggests a collective statement supported by humanitarian organizations globally. It describes a novel concept in the form of a posture of peace as possible indicator or descriptor of any actor’s intention based on content of explicit or implicit behaviour. It finds that knowledge around nuclear weapons is well enough established that action, or lack thereof, comes from a lack of political will which here is seen as obstacle that may be addressed by a collective statement by the humanitarian sector. A collective statement is here seen as a course of action that may spur governing actors to abolish nuclear weapons without creating tensions that may lead to further conflicts as well as being one of the few ways the humanitarian sector can, in a sense, protest.

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No description available.

Nuclear weapons are considered to be the most destructive military weapons in the modem era. The combination of extensive destruction and the fact that nuclear missiles cannot be stopped makes nuclear weapons a major game changer in international security. When a country manages to weaponize nuclear material and is also able to make a delivery system the balance of power in the region is shifted. The roots of deterrence theory and modem balance of power theory are based on nuclear weapons capabilities between countries. In Southwest Asia, nuclear proliferation is common and has an important influence on the balance of power in the region. The combination of a turbulent history and a threatening environment are suitable for countries to try and develop nuclear weapons in order to overcome a security dilemma. This paper will attempt to demonstrate that nuclear proliferation in Southwest Asia is used as a deterrent against neighboring enemies and not a means to achieve regional dominance. This paper will illustrate this phenomenon through three case studies- Israel, Pakistan, and Iran. Each case will look at the historical evolution, political development, and military/security condition of each country and how each has influenced the decision of its leaders to commit to nuclear proliferation.