The Slovak political party system was shaken by new political parties, that emerged just recently and strongly influenced the political scene. The aim of the paper was to find out, what was the key of success of the the new political parties, which made it to the parliament in the parliamentary elections in June 2010 and in march 2012. In order to reach this goal I research the circumstances which lead to the establishment of these parties, their election program, the governmental period, the campaign and the role of the party leader. The paper is divided into four chapters, out of which the chapter one is dedicated to the teoretical background and definitions, the second chapter is putting light on the Slovak party and election system, the chapter three and four are the analytical core of the paper, in which I analyze the the political parties SaS, Most-Híd and OĽaNO in the above mentioned areas. I conclude the analytical part by the anlysis of the election results do the Slovak parliament in year 2010 and the preliminary election in the year 2012.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze the development of the party system in the Russian Federation to determine whether this development can be applied to the classical theory of political parties and party systems designed by european political scientists. In the first chapter there are described theories designed by Maurice Duverger, Jean Blondel, Stein Rokkan and Giovanni Sartori. In the second chapter there is the description of the beginning of the party system in Tsarist Russia. Its task is to draw the options and foundations of the first political party in that territory. The third chapter focuses to the reign of the CPSU, the tools of its government and the reasons for the gradual weakening of its power. The fourth chapter is divided into two parts, the first of which describes the development of the party system in Russia since the fall of the USSR, the second part deals with the comparison of theoretical concepts mentioned in the first chapter and the actual development in Russia.

The main goal of this thesis is to find out if the Christian Democratic Movement is able to become a leader of the right wing parties within the Slovak party system. This question is the result of the last election in March 2012 when the former leader Slovak Christian and Democratic Union failed. The work is divided in three chapters. The first chapter analyses consolidation of the Slovak party system and classify it according to the theoretical part about party systems and conception of cleavages. The second part testifies belonging of Christian Democratic Movement to the family of Christian Democratic parties according to the evolution, membership in multinational groups and programmatic. The third chapter analyses social- demographic and value profile of Christian Democratic Movement followers, the credibility of the movement and the voter's movements between parties.

The diploma thesis deals with party system stability and its aim is to verify the hypothesis, that the countries with the longest continuity of the political regime prove the highest level of party system stability. The author tries to confirm this hypothesis by analysing the party system stability in six chosen cases, which include the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Portugal, Spain, Austria and Germany. To confirm the hypothesis the author use qualitative and quantitative analysis based on the concept that focuses on relations between political parties, structure of party competition and patterns of coalition formation. This approach defines the party system stability by setting four criterions: frequency of government alternation, type of government alternation, innovation of governing formulas and access of political parties to government. The thesis analyses according to this concept the party systems of the six states in the term 1993-2013 and also covers the historical context of party systems development in the selected cases from the end of the World War II. The author stresses in the whole thesis the case of the Czech Republic.

Este trabalho aborda a trajetória do PFL (Partido da Frente Liberal), desde a sua fundação em 1985 até 2010, quando já sob nova denominação DEM deixou de contar com seus três principais líderes: Jorge Bornhausen, Marco Maciel e Antônio Carlos Magalhães. A tese busca explicar as razões do sucesso do partido, até 2002, e de sua decadência a partir de então. Como principal hipótese, argumenta-se que a conexão com o governo federal foi a causa principal tanto do sucesso quanto da decadência da legenda, desencadeada pela passagem do PFL para a oposição após a vitória do Partido dos Trabalhadores na eleição presidencial de 2002. A análise da inserção do PFL no presidencialismo de coalizão e a narrativa da atuação dos três principais líderes do partido junto às altas esferas do governo federal foram os principais subsídios para a construção indutiva da comprovação da hipótese acima formulada. / This work addresses the path of the PFL (Partido da Frente Liberal), since its foundation in 1985 until 2010, when already under the new name - DEM - no longer count on its three main leaders: Jorge Bornhausen, Marco Maciel and Antonio Carlos Magalhães. The thesis seeks to explain the reasons for the party\'s success, until 2002, and its decline from then on. As the main hypothesis it is claimed that the connection to the federal government was the main cause of both, the success and the decline, triggered by the passage of the PFL to the opposition after the Workers Party (PT) victory in the presidential election of 2002. The analysis of PFL in the Brazilian coalitional presidentialism and the narrative of the three main important party leaders connections with high ranks of federal government provide the inductive proof of the above hypothesis.

Esta pesquisa traz 3 estudos independentes, sobre temas ligados às questões do que é nacionalização partidária e como nacionalização, regionalização e localismo são afetados por e afetam os sistemas eleitorais e partidários. Mais especificamente, no capítulo 1 proponho uma nova definição teórica de nacionalização dos partidos e sistemas partidários. Argumento que tal conceito pode ser dividido em 4 dimensões, que são a nacionalização da organização partidária, da oferta eleitoral, da demanda eleitoral e dos resultados eleitorais. Em seguida, aplico esse quadro teórico ao caso brasileiro para mostrar como, de fato, maior precisão conceitual altera a leitura empírica que se faz de um sistema. No capítulo 2, exploro uma das consequências da nacionalização partidária, que vem sendo teorizada pela literatura mas nunca testada de modo direto. Trata-se da ideia de que nacionalização seria o que conecta as circunscrições eleitorais e faz as proposições de Duverger passarem do nível local ao nacional. Para testar isso, incluirei nacionalização dos sistemas partidários pela primeira vez num modelo de número de partidos - aptos lidar com problemas de endogeneidade que vêm impedindo autores de fazerem isso. Assim, será possível provar e demonstrar que a não inclusão de nacionalização vem causando viés de variável omitida nos modelos da literatura. Quando esse é corrigo, através da inclusão de nacionalização por um sistema de equações simultâneas, altera-se algumas das interpretações canônicas sobre a fragmentação partidária. Por fim, no capítulo 3 reavalio a ideia comum de que sistemas eleitorais com voto pessoal levariam candidatos a ter apoio eleitoral geograficamente concentrado, portanto localista. Ofereço uma discussão teórica e evidências de que tal padrão territorial não é a regra do que vem ocorrendo, por exemplo, em sistemas de lista aberta. Além disso, tanto concentrar votos como espalhá-los vem dando dividendos eleitorais e poucos candidatos conseguem atingir patamares altos de concentração, a um nível que prediga real aumento nas chances de eleição. / This research oers 3 independent studies on the questions of what is party nationalization, how nationalization, regionalization or localism are aected by and aect the electoral systems and the party systems. More specically, in the 1st chapter a new theoretical denition of party and party system nationalization is presented, dividing such concept into four dimensions - the nationalization of party organization, of the electoral supply, of the electoral demand and of the electoral outcome. After that, such a theoretical framework is applied to the Brazilian case to demonstrate how, in fact, more conceptual precision can alter empirical readings about a given party system. The 2nd chapter explores one of the consequences of party system nationalization, which literature has theorized but never tested directly. Namely, the idea that party nationalization would be what puts the electoral circumscriptions together and what makes Duvergerian propositions move from the local to the national level. To test that, party system nationalization is included for the rst time in a model of eective number of parties, after handling endogeneity problems that have prevented scholars from doing the same. With such inclusion, it will be proven and demonstrated that omitting party nationalization from models of number of parties, which is a common practice, incurs in omitted variable bias. In fact, such correct inclusion of party nationalization trough a system of simultaneous equations corrects that bias, altering some of the canonical interpretations about party system fragmentation. Lastly, in the 3rd chapter I reevaluate the common idea that electoral systems with personal voting would lead to geographical concentration (i.e. localization) of candidates\' electoral support. I oer a theoretical discussion and then empirical evidence that such territorial pattern is not the rule of what happens for instance in open-list PR. Besides, both concentrating and spreading votes are electorally protable results and very few candidates achieve levels of concentration that predicts eective increases in the odds of being elected.

Diploma thesis Italy in the 90's - political earthquake and it's impact on the European Parliament elections focuses on political and social changes that Italy experienced during the early 90's and their impact on election campaigns and European Parliament election results in 1994 and 1999. The paper recaps evolution of powers of the European Parliament, legal base for EP elections in Italy and it summarizes both internal and external factors that led to radical changes in political and partisan system and eventually to the end of the First Italian Republic. It depicts collapse of party system and rise of new political parties and leaders on the background of international context, judical investigation into political corruption Mani Pulite and offensive of organized crime as a reaction to it. The key part of the thesis is dedicated to the European elections in Italy in 1994 and 1994, it analizes election campaigns led by the Italian political parties and the electoral results. The main objective of the thesis is to confirm or disprove initial hypthesis that Italian political parties perceived the European elections as a tool to reach their domestic aims, as research revealing distribution of powers in the national arena.

v anglickém jazyce: The dissertation thesis deals with the issue of stability and the change of the Czech party system through the prism of the theory of party system institutionalization formulated by political scientist Scott Mainwaring and his followers. In the context of the development of the Czech party system between 2002 and 2017, when multiple changes to the systemic format and mechanism occurred, it seeks to identify the degree of systemic deinstitutionalization and, above all, to reveal its causes. The changes in format associated with the increase in out-of-system volatility and the emergence of new actors in the 2010, 2013 and 2017 elections are the result of processes identified at the individual level of political parties as units of the system. Therefore, the theories of institutionalization of political parties formulated by Angela Panebianco and Vicky Randall and Lars Svasand are used to examine the degree of intra-party institutionalization. The prism of these theories identifies the causes of the internal deinstitutionalization of political parties, given the small number of their membership bases, the excessive dependence on state and private funding sources of the party, as well as the internal disunity and party secession. Key words: party system institutionalization...

The diploma thesis deals with the analysis of the party system in Ukraine after the Revolution of Dignity. At the beginning of the work, changes in the party system of Ukraine in different time intervals will be analyzed. Subsequently, the work will focus on research into the development and changes in the party system of Ukraine after the Revolution of Dignity. The events of the Revolution of Dignity and, as a result, the complete liquidation of the dominant political party had a huge impact on Ukraine's party system. Following the fall of the Viktor Yanukovych regime and the former president's flight to Russia, the 2004 constitution of Ukraine was renewed. All the highest institutions of state power were restored. The process of reforming the constitutional principles of the organization of power, which concerns its various branches and levels, has begun. The main goal of this work is to identify the changes that have taken place after the Dignity Revolution and to analyze the main factors influencing the development of Ukraine's party system in this and other phases.

Most Sub-Saharan African countries are not yet considered democracies, but it is worth noting that almost all of them are fighting for democracy, and some countries have successfully crossed the threshold of democracy. However, the pace of democratization across the African region is uneven. In some countries it seems that the commitment to democratic norms and practices has deepened, but in other countries, whether it is the political elite or the general public, this commitment has proved to be weak. Although citizens now have greater opportunities to participate in the political process than before, in some countries only one party remains in power and there is no peaceful and successful transfer of power to the opposition. In this research I intend to find answers to the following question: Why are the levels of democratic development among these African countries in the Sub-Saharan region very different, even though their democratic transitions take place almost simultaneously. The three main approaches that explain democratization - modernization, social capital, and party systems are tested by empirically analyzing data related to political development among countries in sub-Saharan Africa. The results of the analysis indicate that social capital (trust) is most important for democratization in Sub-Saharan Africa, which may be due to the fact that the party system (including the proportion of women, etc.) has not yet stabilized in many places and therefore can not be a "decisive" factor. The lack of suitable and alternative operationalisations in the form of the lack of valid values regarding party system variables has also affected the result for this particular theoretical area. There was a connection between modernization factors and democracy in the bivariate analyzes, but the corruption index / social trust had a much stronger connection in the multivariate analyzes.