Orientador: Maria Teresa Miceli Kerbauy / Resumo: Situada na costa ocidental da África, a Guiné-Bissau entra na onda democrática a partir de 1994, com a realização da primeira eleição livre e transparente após mais de 20 anos sob a governança de um partido único. Com a democracia em curso, a Guiné-Bissau conheceu vários períodos de instabilidade política governativa que impossibilitou o término dos mandatos ou legislaturas. De outro lado, a instabilidade inviabilizou a realização de objetivos de desenvolvimento e redução de pobreza. Nesse contexto político e social marcado por disputas políticas, a participação, seja em canais de decisão ou do ponto de vista de comparecimento às votações tendem a ser prejudicadas. É, nesse sentido, que o objetivo deste estudo é analisar o comportamento da participação eleitoral no período de 1994, com a realização da primeira eleição geral, a de 2014. De modo que o foco principal da análise está centrado nas eleições para o cargo de Presidente da República e para o Legislativo. Esse objetivo justifica-se pela importância do fenômeno da participação eleitoral, dentro da jovem democracia guineense, para a consolidação de um sistema representativo multipartidário. Para consecução do objetivo foram adotadas referências teóricas sobre democracia representativa e neoinstitucionalismo, sistemas partidários e eleitorais. Por ser importante o período da transição política guineense, o estudo enfatiza o contexto político e econômico que marcou essa transição e apresenta as tipologias do sistema eleito... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: Located on the West African coast, Guinea-Bissau has entered the democratic wave since 1994 (20th century) with the first free and transparent election after more than 20 years under single-party governance. With underway democracy, Guinea-Bissau experienced several periods of governmental political instability that made impossible the end of several mandates or legislatures. On the other hand, instability made it impossible the achievement of the development goals and poverty reduction. In this political and social context marked by political dispute, the participation, whether in decision-making channels or in terms of attendance tends to be harmed. It is in this sense that the main goal of this study is to analyze the electoral participation behavior in the 1994 period with the first election in 2014. The main focus of the analysis centers in the elections for the office for the Presidency of the Republic and for the Legislative positions. This goal is due to: the importance of the electoral partition phenomenon within the young Guinean democracy in the consolidation of the multiparty representative system. In order to achieve the objective of the study, theoretical references on representative democracy and neo-institutionalism, party and electoral systems were adopted. Due to the importance of the period of the Guinean political transition, the study emphasizes the political and economic contexts that marked the transition and presents the typologies of the electoral sys... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

The aim of my thesis is to assess a relevant facts for better explanation of the shift which happened in electoral cooperation between National party (Old Czechs) and National liberal party (Young Czechs) during 1891-1907. It observes the cooperative policy of the leaders of Old Czechs, who were obliged to react to the structural changes of Czech party system, which took place in Bohemia at the turn of the century. This explanation is being done with regard to organizational and ideological patterns of National party.

This thesis seeks to analyse small parties within the Czech party system with the focus on the period of 1996 - 2010. The Attention is paid to those small parties that succeeded in the elections to the Chamber of Deputies. A theoretical framework of the small parties is presented in the first chapter. It is also necessary to outline a development of the small parties before the examined era (i.e. 1989-1996). There is a need to ask whether the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia could be seen as a small party or not. The main part of the work concentrates on years following the election in 1996 till last one in 2010 because it is recognised that circa since that time the Czech party system has begun to stabilise. It is structured in a chronological order from one election to another. Here 3 aspects that are related to the activities of the small parties, according to the author are studied: 1. results of the parties in elections to the Chamber of Deputies. 2. parties' influence at the time of creating a national government. 3. a position of the parties within a defined election period. In the last chapter the author placed results of one part of his research that was based on interviewing mainly former small parties MPs. The second part (inquiry via e-mail correspondence) is offered in the appendix.

This Master thesis deals with the phenomenon of political movements and their impact on the rising party systems in the Central and Eastern Europe countries. Movements were found in the context of social and geopolitical changes in this region and they represented the original type of political organization that was different from other political parties of Western type. The first part contains an analysis of the general theory of political parties and movements and their role in the process of democratic consolidation and stabilization of party systems. Part of the first ration that categorizes political movements in the context of theories of party families and the chapter containing the characteristics of political movements and rising party systems of selected countries in the region. In the next section follows a study of selected texts of Czech political scientists concerning issues of political movement called Civic Forum (OF), which is used as a theoretical introduction to the chapter analyzing OF. Similar target implements the part examining the ideological roots of the movement and specific anti-political politics in the Czech political system. The second part describes the effect of Civic Forum in the first two stages of the Czech party system development. In this part there is an...

The presented paper deals with a theoretical concept of populism and analysis of political style and politics of one of the most important but also most controversial figures of Italian politics over the past few decades, Silvio Berlusconi. The main objective of this paper is to verify the initial hypothesis that Silvio Berlusconi is a pragmatic contemporary politician whose politics and the political style includes identifiable elements of populism and to answer the question whether Silvio Berlusconi, due to the theories outlined on populism, could be considered as a representative of populism and whether his case meets the definition criteria set out in the theoretical part. A secondary objective is to provide a clear overview of the conceptual aspects of populism and it' s causes and identify these on the case of Italy. The work is divided into three parts. After introduction in a second chapter the theoretical and methodological framework will be defined. With a general focus on the concept of populism we will map the contemporary theoretical knowledge concerning this issue. The paper briefly summarizes the historical development of the populist movement in contemporary Western democracies, clearly and comprehensively summarizes the defining features of the theoretical concept of populism and...

Social conservative values are not a frequently voiced topic among Czech politics, but still, there are few parliamentary parties that claim to be conservative. Conservative thinking is very often interchanged with right-wing affiliation, which can lead to ambiguous identification of political subjects. The thesis concentrates on Social conservatism that is placed outside right wing-left wing definition of political parties and tries to analyse its specifics and roots. Social conservatism promotes ethical issues connected with Christian morals. This study analyses these issues and attempts to evaluate their relevance within the Czech society and party system. From the analysis of Social conservative values and individual conservative parties and movements it is clear that Social conservatism does not belong among essential topics for Czech society and politics, even though this way of thinking is still present. The main representative of Social conservatism is parliamentary party KDU- ČSL, which, nevertheless, given to the degree of liberalisation in the Czech society, still enforces the Social conservative values with great care. There are also radical, religiously fundamental voices present, these are, however, not given much space. Declared Social conservatism of some Czech political parties thus more...

Social conservative values are not a frequently voiced topic among Czech politics, but still, there are few parliamentary parties that claim to be conservative. Conservative thinking is very often interchanged with right-wing affiliation, which can lead to ambiguous identification of political subjects. The thesis concentrates on Social conservatism that is placed outside right wing-left wing definition of political parties and tries to analyse its specifics and roots. Social conservatism promotes ethical issues connected with Christian morals. This study analyses these issues and attempts to evaluate their relevance within the Czech society and party system. From the analysis of Social conservative values and individual conservative parties and movements it is clear that Social conservatism does not belong among essential topics for Czech society and politics, even though this way of thinking is still present. The main representative of Social conservatism is parliamentary party KDU- ČSL, which, nevertheless, given to the degree of liberalisation in the Czech society, still enforces the Social conservative values with great care. There are also radical, religiously fundamental voices present, these are, however, not given much space. Declared Social conservatism of some Czech political parties...

The master thesis "Development of the Czech party system between 2010-2013" focuses on an analysis of the state of the Czech party system with an emphasis on political developments over the past few years as well as the last two Czech Parliamentary elections in 2010 and 2013. The results of the elections deviate from the long term developments in the country since the 1990s and the fall of the communist regime. The goal of this work is to define phases which capture the essential developments of the Czech party system and what trends it currently demonstrates using quantitative methods which will help us to calculate things such as the index of the effective number of parties in the party system. The main question that this work will try to answer is whether or not we can consider the Czech party system to be consolidated.

本文討論焦點在於台灣政黨體系的變遷過程，影響台灣政黨體系變遷的因素，以及台灣政黨體系未來的可能走向。分別使用社會分歧理論、政治菁英理論以及制度論來解釋台灣政黨體系的變遷過程，並由各政黨在選舉結果的消長與選民政黨認同的變化兩個指標來觀察我國政黨體系的變遷。試圖建構一個通用的模式來解釋我國政黨體系發展的過程，以預期台灣政黨體系發展的未來走向。 經過全面觀察各政黨選舉結果的消長，以及選民政黨認同的變動情形之後，本文發現台灣政黨體系的變遷，主要發生在四個重要的時間點，第一個時間點是1986年民進黨的成立，第二個時間點是1993年新黨的成立，第三個時間點是2000年親民黨的成立與2001年台聯的成立，第四個時間點則是立委選制改變後的2008年立委選舉。 在變動的因素方面，雖然每一個變遷的時間點都有新政黨的出現，但是民進黨的出現是整個憲政環境由威權時期轉成民主化的結果，而新黨、親民黨與台聯則都是政治菁英之間的分裂。2008年主要是選舉制度的影響，不但新成立的政黨無法生存，連原有的小黨也都消失無蹤。 在穩定不變的因素方面，在台灣的政黨體系整個變遷的過程裡面，藍綠的區分一直都存在著。在藍綠對抗的主軸之下，台灣的政黨體系受到省籍、統獨立場以及國家認同等因素混合在內的分歧結構的長期影響，泛綠基本上掌握三成左右的基本盤，泛藍則是有四成出頭的支持度，中間還有二成多搖擺不定的部分，這個部分就是藍綠角逐的關鍵所在。這個藍綠對抗中第一個最重要的因素就是混雜了統獨立場、國家認同與省籍在內的社會與議題分歧，其次是政治菁英在歷次選舉過程中不斷地去操作這個分歧結構，藉此找到新政黨在意識型態光譜上的定位點，再加上SNTV選制容許小黨有生存空間，因此台灣的政黨體系隨之產生變遷。最後到了2008年，選舉制度的變革發揮了決定性的影響，使得我國的政黨體系確立為兩黨制。 在未來的發展趨勢上，研究發現，無論就政黨得票率、政黨支持度以及選舉制度的層面來看，國民黨似乎已經逐漸取回過半的優勢，民進黨則回到四成左右的基本盤。在沒有新議題或是新的政治社會分歧足以重新切割現有政黨體系之下，在目前雙首長制的憲政架構以及單一選區兩票制的國會選舉制度之下，我們預期政治菁英們的互動將朝向由國民黨代表泛藍勢力，民進黨代表泛綠勢力的兩黨政治體系逐步鞏固的方向前進。 / The main theme of this thesis focuses on the changing process of Taiwan’s party system, the factors which effecting the changing process of Taiwan’s party system, and the trend of Taiwan’s party system in the future. The author use social cleavage theory、political elite theory and institutional theory to explain the changing process of Taiwan’s party system. The author also uses two indexes including the vote-share of each party in every election, and the changing of voter’s party identification to observe the changing of Taiwan’s party system. This thesis tries to build a general model to explain the developing process of Taiwan’s party system and predict the future trend of Taiwan’s party system. After observing the election outcomes of each party and the changing of voter’s party identification, this thesis points out four important time points of Taiwan’s party system changing. The first time point is the presence of DPP in 1986, the second time point is the presence of NP in 1993, the third time point is the presence of PFP in 2000 and the presence of TSU in 2001, the fourth time point is the changing of electoral rule of legislative election in 2008. About the changing factor, in spite of the new party presence in each changing time point, the presence of DPP is due to the constitutional environment which the authoritarian regime transferred into democracy. The presence of NP、PFP and TSU are the outcome of the separation of political elites. The changing of party system in 2008 is mainly effected by electoral system, not only the new parties can’t survive, but the existing small parties also disappear. About the stable factor, during the changing process of Taiwan’s party system, there’s always a clearly distinction between “blue” and ”green”. Underneath the main stream of the confrontation between “blue” and “green”, Taiwan’s party system has long been effected by the cleavage structure which mixed with ethnic origin、unification or independent with china and national identity. The pan-green group basically maintains about 30% of vote share, the pan-blue group has more than 40% of vote share, the remaining 20% more of vote share is the key point for the struggle of pan-green and pan-blue forces. The most important factor in this confrontation process is the social and issue cleavage mixed with ethnic origin、unification or independent with china and national identity. Meanwhile the political elites are consequently manipulating the cleavage structure in every election process, in order to find some spaces in the ideological spectrum to form new parties. In addition to the SNTV electoral system allows small parties to appear and survive. That’s the reason why Taiwan’s party system changes over time. But in 2008, the changing of electoral system has the decisive influence and turn Taiwan’s party system into the two-party system. In the trend of future development, the research shows that, no matter in party’s vote share、party support rate or electoral system, KMT seems gradually having a leading advantage to get more than 50% of vote share. DPP has about 40% of vote share. If no more new issue or political-social cleavages to cut the existing party system, in the two-head executive constitutional structure and MMM electoral system, the interactions of political elites will tend to a consolidation of the two-party system which including a pan-blue force presented by KMT, and a pan-green force presented by DPP.

This thesis examines the impact of one party dominant systems on liberal democracy in developing countries. It is insufficient to argue that one party dominant systems – systems where one party dominates over a prolonged period - need not be further scrutinised because they occur within democracies. Instead it is contended that the term ‘democracy’ is but one public virtue in a political system and thus needs to be prefixed for it to have meaning beyond a method of government selection. The importance of this is highlighted when looking at two major trends in the understanding of democracy. The first is democracy as rule by the people -a non-authoritarian democracy- where governmental control is limited, and agents of voice and accountability are protected. Voice and accountability refers to citizens being able to exercise power over the process of decision-making and not merely power to select decision-makers. The second type of democracy is rule for the people -an authoritarian democracy- where governmental control extends over all spheres of society, and the operating space for agents of voice and accountability is constrained. Since unchecked centralisation is the anti-thesis of a non-authoritarian democracy, the observed tendency of dominant parties to use their predominant position to further consolidate their control is a concern. The apprehension is, as power is centralised so the operating space of agents of voice and accountability (including political and civil society) is constrained. Despite differences in the type of one party dominant system, whether they be hegemonic (Mexico) or dominant (South Africa) the ruling dominant/ hegemonic party uses similar methods of consolidating dominance – they essentially centralise power through the establishment of (1) economic, (2) political, and sometimes (3) ideological monopolies. These monopolies are established using internal and external methods of control (centralising of political power; party controlled process of political leadership selection; institutional arrangements and electoral amendments, which favour the ruling party; patronage and corporatism), which in turn effectively close down or limit the operating space of civil and political society, especially in developing countries which do not have histories of liberal-constitutionalism, and have vast socio-economic inequalities making them especially susceptible to the manipulation of ruling elites. Although one party dominant systems may initially have a uniting, stabilising effect, if continued they tend to lead towards either the entrenchment of authoritarianism or the establishment of authoritarianism, since dominance is achieved at the expense of competition, and independent and alternative voices. Uncompetitive democracies result in unresponsive governments. Pursuing a liberal democracy, while simultaneously monopolising power is to indulge in serious programmatic contradictions. Eventually something has to give and it is usually liberal democracy. Voice and accountability inevitably become inhibited in one party dominant systems due to the mechanisms of internal and external control used by the dominant or hegemonic party. These mechanisms of control culminate in, as they did in Mexico, there being ‘no life outside the ruling party’. Only when the economic, political and ideological monopolies are dismantled through either economic liberalisation, opposition maintaining its integrity, civil society keeping its independence and societies refusing to be drawn into relationships of patronage, can the space for voice and accountability be prised open again. In the interests of its citizens and the future success of its country, the ruling party of a one party dominant system needs to recognise that it is not the sole channel for the voice of its citizens and to acknowledge the space for agents of voice and accountability. Ensuring that non-authoritarian democracy remains the only game in town in a one party dominant system requires responsive and accountable government and effective agents of voice and accountability. / Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Political Sciences / unrestricted